“George Bush is a satanic, sadistic, brutal monster.
Compared to George Bush, Adolf Hitler was a true gentleman.”
- Michael Boren Williams, former Campaign Manager for Senator Gary Hart and Bush murder attempt victim
“For the record, if I had my choice as to which one of the two (Clinton or Bush) represented the greater evil, I would say George Bush - in the blink of an eye....”
- Michael Ruppert, former LAPD Narcotics detective
True evil does not develop in a vacuum.
Evil is arrogant. It has no conscience. It is utterly self-serving. It hides from the light and will attack, even destroy others to preserve its own demented delusions. It is an unrestrained sociopath, wallowing in the murky darkness of its own psychosis while endlessly rationalizing its terrible deeds. It infiltrates the weak-minded and subverts the weak of character.
Evil... creates a world of shadows - shadow play - shadow government. It lives by the lie.
“The Big Lie,” once thought to be the exclusive purview of the Nazis, has become canonized in our form of government. And it is growing more perverse—more insidious. Like the Nazis before the fall of the Third Reich, we are a nation wallowing in the murky darkness of our own psychosis.
I can think of no contemporary American family more twisted and evil than the Bush dynasty.
The Bush family’s rapacious greed and depravity can trace its lineage to New England’s Pierce family. Both George Herbert Walker Bush and his wife Barbara Pierce (of Merrill, Lynch, Pierce, Fenner and Smith), as was President Franklin Pierce, are descended from this same family. Originally the powerful Percy family, they changed their name to Pierce and quickly emigrated to America when Thomas Percy’s involvement in the Gun Powder Plot to assassinate King James I was revealed.[*]
Bush’s membership in the shadowy Yale secret society of Skull and Bones (S&B) has likewise not been widely reported. S&B is made up of members recruited exclusively from the ranks of the wealthy Eastern Establishment.[*] As Hoover Institute professor Antony Sutton writes in America’s Secret Establishment: An Introduction to the Order of Skull and Bones:
“Those on the inside know it as The Order. Others have known it for more than 150 years as Chapter 322 of a German secret society. More formally for legal purposes, The Order was incorporated as The Russell Trust in 1856. It was also known as the Brotherhood of Death....”
Many historians claim that S&B sprung up as a direct extension of America’s oldest Greek-letter college secret society, Phi Beta Kappa. As Sutton writes:
“The Order is not just another campus Greek letter fraternal society with passwords and handgrips, common to most campuses.... Chapter 322 is a secret society whose members are sworn to silence. It only exists on the Yale campus. It has rules. It has ceremonial rites. It is not at all happy with prying probing citizens.... Above all the Order is powerful, unbelievably powerful....”
S&B members occupy key positions in commerce, media, diplomacy, education, espionage, finance, law and politics—having a profound impact on world events. As Sutton adds:
“Among academic associations, the American Historical Association, the American Economic Association, the American Chemical Society and the American Psychological Association were all started by members of the Order or persons close to the Order.... These are key associations for the conditioning of society.... The phenomenon of The Order as the first on the scene is found especially among foundations.”
Regarding the Order’s influence on historical events as portrayed by the media, Sutton notes that...
“...During the past one hundred years any theory of history or historical evidence that falls outside a pattern established by the American Historical Association and the major foundations with their grant making power has been attacked or rejected—not on the basis of any evidence presented, but on the basis of the acceptability of the argument of the so-called Eastern Liberal Establishment and its official historical line. There is an Establishment history, an official history, which dominates history textbooks, trade publishing, the media and library shelves. The official line always assumes that events such as wars, revolutions, scandals, assassinations are more or less random unconnected events. By definition events can never be the result of a conspiracy. They can never result from premeditated planned group action. An excellent example is the Kennedy assassination when, within 9 hours of the Dallas tragedy, TV networks announced the shooting was not a conspiracy regardless of the fact that a negative proposition can never be proven and that the investigation had barely begun.”
The American chapter of the German Order was founded in 1833 at Yale University, established by General William Huntington Russell and Alphonso Taft—father of President and U.S. Supreme Court Justice William Taft. It was during the Taft presidency that the bills which forever altered the Constitution were passed into law. These included the 17th Amendment, calling for the direct election of senators, guaranteeing that elections could be purchased by big money interests; and the Income Tax and Federal Reserve Act (16th Amendment). The Act was quietly pushed through Congress by Senator Nelson Aldridge—maternal grandfather of Trilateral Commission founder David Rockefeller—in the days immediately before Christmas, assuring that most lawmakers, who were home for the holidays, would not be available to vote.[*]
During a break-in by a rival Yale society in 1876 into the S&B “Tomb,” they found a small room, with an “always-burning lamp” and “a dilapidated human skull.” Upstairs they found a lodge room with its walls covered in black velvet, a table with skull and crossbones, and the “sanctum sanctorum”—room number 322—“furnished in red velvet” and on the wall a star with a finger pointing to it.
They also found “an old engraving representing an open burial vault, in which on a stone slab, rest four human skulls, grouped around a fool’s-cap and bells, an open book, several mathematical instruments, a beggar’s scrip, and a royal crown. On the arched wall above the vault are the explanatory words, in Roman letters, ‘We War Der Thor, Wer Weiser, We Bettler Oder Kaiser?’ and below the vault is engraved, in German characters, the sentence; ‘Ob Arm, Ob Beich, im Tode gleich.’’ “Who was the fool, who the wise man, beggar or king? Whether poor or rich, all’s the same in death.” This closely resembles the initiation into the Degree of Regent for the Bavarian Illuminati. Some researchers assert that Phi Beta Kappa is simply the “Bavarian Illuminati... spread to America.”
S&B was also the recruiting grounds for the Russell Trust Company, which managed S&B’s treasury. Founded in 1824, Russell Trust became the dominant opium trafficking syndicate in the U.S.[*] Russell Trust merged with the number one US trader, J&T.H. Perkins in 1829. By the mid-1830s the opium trade had become “the largest commerce of its time in any single commodity, anywhere in the world.”
Russell partner Warren Delano, Jr.—Chief of Russell Trust operations in Canton, China—was grandfather to President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, a Bush cousin. Other Russell partners include John Cleve Green, whose opium fortunes financed Princeton University, Abiel Abbott Low, whose opium money financed the construction of Columbia University, Joseph Coolidge, whose son organized the United Fruit Company (later under the ownership of the Rockefellers, and which provide the impetus for the CIA’s replacement of the democratically elected government of Guatamela with a brutal military dictatorship), and his grandson, Archibald Cary Coolidge, who was a founding executive officer of the Council On Foreign Relations (CFR).
The black flag with the white skull and crossbones, which was the corporate flag gracing all Russell Trust ships, became the emblem of S&B—an emblem that even to this day it symbolizes piracy.
Antony Sutton’s scholarly works on this secret society, The Order and How The Order Creates War and Revolution, reveal that half of the board of directors of J.P. Morgan and Company—who profited handsomely from the bloody carnage of World War I—were S&B graduates. As Sutton notes:
“College textbooks present war and revolution as more or less accidental results of conflicting forces.... The decay of political negotiation into physical conflict comes about, according to these books, after valiant efforts to avoid war. Unfortunately, this is nonsense. War is always a deliberate creative act by individuals....”
“The real menace of our republic is this invisible government which like a giant octopus sprawls its slimy length over city, state and nation. Like the octopus of real life, it operates under cover of a self created screen.... At the head of this octopus are the Rockefeller Standard Oil interests and a small group of powerful banking houses generally referred to as international bankers. The little coterie of powerful international bankers virtually run the United States government for their own selfish purposes. They practically control both political parties.” - New York City Mayor John F. Hylan, 1922
Eventually, Brown Brothers Harriman—the largest private investment bank in America at the time—came to be dominated by S&B members. George Bush’s grandfather, George Herbert Walker, served as the bank’s President. His father, Prescott, served as the bank’s Vice President.[8*]
Brown Brothers Harriman was helped to ascension by the powerful Warburg “Jewish” banking monopoly—one of the principle controlling interests behind the German conglomerate I.G. Farben, which, ironically, provided not only the gas, but much of the funds used to effect Hitler’s “final solution.” Brown Brothers had funded American slave plantations during the Civil War, and former Brown Brothers partner, Bank of England Governor Montagu Collet Norman, was known as the most avid supporter of Hitler within British ruling circles. Brown Brothers-Harriman would become the largest and most politically influential private banking house in the United States.
The elder Bush was also director of the Holland-American Trading Corporation and the Seamless Steel Equipment Corporation—both Nazi front companies. Like father like son, George Herbert Walker Bush would later go on to form similar business alliances with Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein, taking in personal oil kickbacks, and arming that country with conventional, biological and chemical weapons, both in violation of his own Arms Control and Armaments Amendments Act, and as a prelude to a war which he would instigate and precipitate.
The Warburgs and the Sulzbergers, owners of the New York Times, used various committees and religious organizations to protect the Harriman-Bush deals with Mussolini and Hitler. Although the government would later seize several of the Bush/Harriman/Nazi assets—most importantly the Thyssen family-owned Union Bank, which played one of the largest roles in financing Hitler—American entrepreneurs such as Bush would be left unscathed.
Bush was Union’s Director.
As Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin note in George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography:
“The 1942 U.S. government investigative report said that Bush’s Nazi-front bank was an interlocking concern with the Vereinigte Stahlwerke (United Steel Works Corporation or “German Steel Trust”) led by Fritz Thyssen and his two brothers.... Germany’s largest industrial corporation, [it] was organized in 1926 by Wall Street banker Clarence Dillon. Dillon was the old comrade of Prescott Bush’s father Sam Bush from the “Merchants of Death” bureau in World War I.”[*]
The authors write that George Bush’s maternal grandfather, George Herbert Walker, founded the banking and investment firm of G. H. Walker and Company. “Walker was one of Hitler’s most powerful financial supporters in the United States. The relationship went all the way back to 1924, when Fritz Thyssen, the German industrialist, was financing Hitler’s infant Nazi party.
The link between Harriman and Thyssen came through Walker’s Union Banking Corporation, located in Averill Harriman’s offices at 39 Broadway in New York.
“According to our sources,” write Tarpley and Chaitkin, “Union Banking became an out-and-out Nazi money-laundering machine....”
Walker’s American Shipping & Commerce became the holding company for the North American operations of the Hamburg-Amerika Line, a cover for I.G. Farben’s Nazi espionage unit.
“In an elaborate corporate paper trail, Harriman’s stock in American Shipping & Commerce was controlled by yet another holding company, the Harriman Fifteen Corporation, run out of Walker’s office. The directors of this company were Averill Harriman, Bert Walker, and Prescott Bush....”
Another example of the perverse interlocking nature of the Bush/Harriman-Brown interests was the Consolidated Silesian Steel Corporation of Poland, two thirds of the stock of which was owned by Friedrich Flick, a leading German industrialist, and Bush/Harriman-Brown. Given the fact that most of the company’s output was being directed to Germany’s war machine at the time, the Polish government decided that the Nazi and American stockholders should pay their fair share of taxes. The stockholders didn’t agree, and responded with a lockout. Fortunately the crises was solved when Nazi tanks invaded Poland in September of 1939, rescuing their investment, which would now be aided with the introduction of slave labor.
Baron Kurt von Schroder, of the Schroder banking family, was co-director of the Thyssen-Huette foundry along with Johann Groeninger, Prescott Bush’s New York bank partner. Schroder, who also had the personal blessings of the Rockefellers, was Hitler’s banker.
John Foster Dulles (brother of future CIA director Allen Dulles), of the law firm, Sullivan and Cromwell, was Bush’s lawyer. According to Tarpley and Chaitkin:
“Throughout the 1930s, John Foster Dulles arranged debt restructuring for German firms under a series of decrees issued by Adolf Hitler. In these deals, Dulles struck a balance between the interest owed to selected, larger investors, and the needs of the growing Nazi war-making apparatus for producing tanks, poison gas, etc.”
John Foster Dulles, later appointed Secretary of State, was also the attorney for I.G. Farben. By 1933, I.G. Farben and Rockefeller’s Standard Oil were effectively a single firm, merged in hundreds of cartel arrangements. Dulles, who was related to Avery Rockefeller, was the attorney for a new investment firm, set up by him in 1936, called the Schroder-Rockefeller Company. 
Another lawyer in the employ of I.G. Farben, John J. McCloy, would later become president of Rockefeller’s Chase Manhattan Bank, chairman of the CFR, and serve on the Warren Commission, which effectively covered up the Kennedy assassination, which George Bush would allegedly play a minor role in (See Chapter XX).[*] After the war, McCloy would pardon hundreds of Nazis accused of war crimes, while establishing the “Ratlines” which brought Nazi doctors and scientists (and spies) into the U.S. to conduct scientific and medical experiments on Americans that had formerly been conducted on concentration camp victims.
In 1940, I.G. Farben began construction of their huge plant at the infamous Auschwitz concentration camp. Utilizing slave labor, I.G. Farben and their SS guards worked the approximately 25,000 prisoners literally to their deaths. Standard Oil/Germany president Emil Helfferich later testified that Rockefeller’s Standard Oil funds helped pay for the SS guards at Auschwitz.
As Russel S. Bowen, a retired U.S. Army Brigadier General who served in the OSS and reported directly to William Casey, writes about George Bush in his book, Immaculate Deception: The Bush Crime Family Exposed, the “inheritor of the Auschwitz death camp fortune,” Texan William Stamps Farish III, is George Bush’s “closest friend and confidant.”
“As President and Chief Executive Officer of Standard Oil of New Jersey, Farish was the controller of the global cartel between Standard Oil and the German I.G. Farben concern.”
Farish, one of the richest men in Texas, managed George Bush’s personal wealth.
One example of Brown Brothers-Harriman Bank’s assistance to the Nazi war machine was their underwriting of Standard Oil’s agreement, in cooperation with General Motors, to supply ethyl lead to the Nazis. The Bush bank also arranged collateral security for a shipment of tetraethyl lead for the German Luftwaffe in 1938, shortly before the outbreak of the war. The Ethyl came from the Ethyl Export Corporation of New York, administered by the Reich Air Ministry along with I.G. Farben.
On October 24th, 1942, the U.S. Government ordered the seizure of Nazi German banking operations in New York City which were conducted by Prescott Bush. Under the Trading with the Enemy Act, all the shares of the Union Banking Corporation were seized, as were those of the Holland American Trading Corporation and the Seamless Steel Equipment Corporation. Harriman’s Fifteen Holding Company, the Hamburg-Amerika Line, and the Silesian-American Corporation quickly followed.
Possibly in an attempt to save the family’s honor, George H. W. Bush abandoned his plans to enter Yale and enlisted in the U.S. Naval Reserve. While serving on the aircraft carrier San Jacinto, Bush’s Avenger torpedo-bomber, piloted by young George, was shot down by anti-aircraft fire. Eventhough the plane was built to withstand ocean crash-landings, Bush-the-war-hero bailed out, leaving his two crewmates behind. While Bush was rescued by the U.S. submarine Finback, Jack Delaney and Ted White, his companions, died in the plane.
Bush was given a medal for heroism.
Like father, like son, former Speaker of the Texas House of Representatives testified under oath that he was contacted by Houston businessman “Sid Adger and asked to recommend George W. Bush, Jr. for a pilot position with the Air National Guard,” and that he called General James Rose and “did so.”
Yet Bush, Jr. our current Commander-in-Chief, reportedly never even bothered showing up for drills. General William Turnipseed and his aide Kenneth Lott both flatly deny that Bush ever appeared for duty—a violation of the Texas Code of Military Justice (a State Statute and a version of the U.S. Code of Military Justice)—a court martial offense.
Neither did our chief flag-waver appear for his training at the 187th Tactical Recon Group at Dannelly ANG Base in Alabama.
Bill Burkett, a former Lieutenant Colonel in the Guard, said, “As the State Plans Officer for the Texas National Guard, I was on full-time duty at Camp Mabry when [Bush aide] Dan Bartlett was cleansing the George W. Bush file prior to G.W.’s presidential announcement.... The archives were closely scrutinized to make sure that the Bush autobiography plans and the record did not directly contradict each other.”
Government documents do note, however, that Jr.’s flying privlidges were suspended for failure to take his annual medical exam, even though he stated that he was perfectly healthy. Michael Dannenhauer, former Chief of Staff to the elder Bush, states that Jr.’s cocaine and alcohol habit was “out of control” and that he experienced “lost weekends in Mexico” during that time. This is not surprising, considering that Jr. would offer free beer to college students to garner their votes during his 1987 congressional race.
When it was time to leave the National Guard, the prodigal son and future President received an honorable discharge.
Daddy Bush would have another opportunity to display both his love of freedom and democracy and his “family values” when it was revealed in September of 1988 that seven members of his presidential campaign were fascist, pro-Nazi, anti-Semites. The seven, who later resigned or were fired, were part of the Republican Party’s Heritage Groups Council—a funding clique made up of extreme right-wing Eastern European émigrés. In 1976, Heritage Groups Council Director Colonel Jay Neimczyk wrote a memo to the RNC’s Co-Chairman Robert Carter praising Bush’s leadership of the ethnic recruitment effort, reportedly including a number of war criminals. One of Bush’s allies, Yaroslav Stetsko, had collaborated with the Nazis as their puppet prime minister of Galicia in the western Ukraine. Captured Nazi records revealed that over 100,000 Jews were murdered within two years of Yaroslav’s reign.
As John Loftus and Mark Aarons write in: The Secret War Against The Jews:
“It was Bush who fulfilled [President Richard] Nixon’s promise to make the “ethnic” emigres a permanent part of Republican politics. Bush’s tenure as head of the Republican National Committee exactly coincided with Laszlo Pasztor’s 1972 drive to transform the Heritage Groups Council into the party’s official ethnic arm. The groups Pasztor chose as Bush’s campaign allies were the émigré Fascists whom Dulles had brought to the United States....
Nearly twenty years later, and after exposé’s in several respectable newspapers, Bush continued to recruit most of the same ethnic Fascists, including Pasztor, for his own 1988 ethnic outreach program when he first ran for President.”
Fugitive Nazi war criminal Otto von Bolschwing, U.S. head of the notorious Nazi Gehlan Org spy apparatus, was himself a Republican Party activist and reportedly a friend of Richard Nixon’s.
Another group of suspected Nazi war criminals, the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations, participated in a 1983 White House meeting with George Bush and Ronald Reagan. One photo of the meeting was signed: “To the Honorable Yaroslav Stetsko, With Best Wishes, George Bush.” 
Reagan himself, formerly part of Allen Dulles’s Office of Policy Coordination, had been the front man back in the 1950s for the Crusade for Freedom, a money-laundering organization which was part of Dulles’s fascist “freedom fighters” program.
President Reagan—perhaps demonstrating his own alignment with Nazis—visited the Bittburg Waffen SS cemetery to pay his respects during a controversial but well-publicized trip to Germany.
One of CIA Director Allen Dulles’s covert agents inside the Roosevelt and Truman administrations was Edwin Pauley, who would become the U.S. representative to the Allied Reparations Committee and the industrial advisor to the Potsdam Conference. Pauley later became George Bush’s partner in the Mexican government’s oil monopoly Pemex. The CIA used Pemex as a cover and as a money laundering operation for Pauley’s campaign contributions. As Tarpley and Chaitkin write:
“Pauley, say several of our sources, was the man who invented an intelligence money-laundering system in Mexico, which was later refined in the 1970s as part of Nixon’s Watergate scandal.”
As for Watergate, burglar Frank Sturgis told the San Francisco Chronicle that “the reason we burglarized the Watergate was because Nixon was interested in stopping news leaking relating to the photos of our role in the assassination of President John Kennedy.”
Former CIA operative Trenton Parker, who was part of a special unit named “Pegasus,” states that Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon and George Bush all knew of the intended assassination plot.
Bush reportedly coordinated Frank Sturgis, as well as Watergate team members Rafael “Chi Chi” Quintero, E. Howard Hunt, and Bernard Barker for the Cuban Bay of Pigs invasion—using Pemex and Bush’s Zapata Oil as a staging point (the operation was codenamed OPERATION ZAPATA). Nixon, as Vice President, had supervised Allen Dulles’s planning of the invasion.
Quintero worked under CIA coordinator William F. Buckley, Jr. in an assassination unit Buckley supervised under the cover of Pemex. Bush had a keen financial interest in turning Cuba back into a playground for ultra-capitalist interests, as Bush’s Zapata Oil was one of the key suppliers to Cuba under Batista.
As Richard Nixon told John Ehrilchman shortly after his election: “Eliminate everyone except George Bush. Bush will do anything for our cause.” Nixon and Bush had openly discussed killing Kennedy for his failure to provide air cover at the Bay of Pigs.[31*]
Nixon’s relationship to the Bush family goes back to 1946, when Nixon answered an ad placed by the Orange County Republican Party in a Los Angeles newspaper. Key funding for the ad was provided by Prescott Bush, who was looking for a puppet to run for Congress. Nixon got the job, landing a seat in the Senate and then progressing to the Vice-Presidency. In 1960 George Bush became a protégé of Nixon’s, who was then running for President.
Bush described Nixon as his mentor.
However Bush denies his connections with the CIA. Yet a November 29, 1963 memo from FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover to the State Department’s Director of Intelligence and Research uncovered through the Freedom of Information Act describes a briefing given to “George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency.” The memo was written after Lee Harvey Oswald was interrogated about his connections to the Cuban exile community and the CIA.
For his part, Bush claims he never worked for the Agency until he was appointed Director in 1975, and CIA spokesman Bill Devine would “neither confirm nor deny” Bush’s role to reporter Joseph McBride of The Nation. Yet when the memo was published, the CIA did an about-face when Agency spokeswoman Sharon Basso told Associated Press that the memo actually referred to a George William Bush, who was a CIA night watchman at the time (hardly a man who would be given such a briefing!). When located and contacted by McBride and Nation editor Victor Navasky, William Bush confirmed that he was definitely not the Bush referred to in the memo. He had simply worked for the CIA for about six months as a coast and landing beach analyst—not a night watchmen—at the time, with a rank of GS-5. In response to questions about the Hoover memo, he replied, “Is that the other George Bush?”
Yet Bush had maintained a personal relationship with Lee Harvey Oswald’s alleged handler, CIA “asset” George DeMohrenschildt, who carried Bush’s name and telephone in his address book until his supposed suicide. DeMohrenschildt gave only the vaguest explanations for his frequent trips to Bush’s home town of Houston in his testimony before the Warren Comission.[34*]
Now deceased Army Colonel, CIA operative and NYPD detective “Big Al” Carone stated that “George Bush was CIA prior to the assassination of John Kennedy in 1963.” Carone told his subordinate William Tyree that he “had taken money to a female named Ruth Paine in late 1956 on orders from William Casey (OSS/CIA operative who was CIA Director from 1981 to 1987).”
According to a lawsuit filed by Tyree, “Carone said that Paine was approached by the CIA to find and recruit an individual that was expendable, with communist ties and some type of anti-American background...
“Carone said that when Ruth Paine found the individual, she notified her CIA contact, identified as George de Mohrenschildt, who in turn contacted his CIA supervisor, identified as George Bush. Carone said that George Bush was the same George Bush that was CIA Director. Carone said the individual located by Ruth Paine was identified as a Mr Lee Harvey Oswald.
“FBI records/reports within 14 days after the assassination of President Kennedy will reflect that Mr George Bush met with J. Edgar Hoover, as Bush was trying to ascertain what the FBI might have stumbled onto by mistake in regards to the Ruth Paine - Oswald connection.”[35*]
When appointed CIA Director in 1975 by President Gerald Ford (a former member of the Warren Commission), Bush conveniently headed off inquiries by Senator Frank Church into the CIA’s various assassination plots which DCI William Colby had been cooperating with. Colby would later wind up dead under suspicious circumstances. (See Chapter XX)
In fact, Bush had been a top agent of the CIA since at least 1960, when he recruited Cubans for the Bay of Pigs invasion. Given the Bush family’s oil interests in the region, this is hardly surprising. As Anthony Kimery writes in Covert Action Quarterly:
“Veteran CIA operatives in the war against Castro say Bush not only let the CIA use Zapata as a front for running some of its operations (including the use of several off-shore drilling platforms), but assert that Bush personally served as a conduit through which the Agency disbursed money for contracted services.”
It was at that time that Bush met Felix Rodriguez, part of a CIA shooter team coordinated out of a training base in Mexico supervised by the FBI’s Division Five (domestic counter-intelligence).[*] Rodriguez would later become Bush’s main liaison to Oliver North’s Contra drugs-for-guns pipeline when Bush served as Vice President.
“For seven and-a-half years I’ve worked alongside Reagan, and I’m proud to be his partner. We’ve had triumphs, we’ve made mistakes, we’ve had sex... uh, I mean setbacks....” - Vice President George Bush, May 6, 1987
As researcher Sherman Skolnick of the Citizens’ Committee to Clean Up the Courts states: “Not only George “Poppy” Bush but also Chief Smirker (and current President) G.W. Bush, Jr., as well as brothers Jeb AND Neil, are all tightly implicated in the staggering array of absolutely filthy, vicious, gutter-level activities carried on by this family and their closely connected allies in organized crime and intelligence agencies....”
President George Herbert Walker Bush continuously lauded himself before the public as the “family values” president. Bush should know about family values. One of his favorite pastimes, allegedly, is having sex with children—including girls and boys. According to child pedophile victims in Nebraska and former self-described mind-control sex slave Cathy O’Brien, he is also a kidnapper and a drug fiend. As O’Brien writes:
“It was late evening when [George] Bush and [Dick] Cheney finished programming me with numerous messages pertaining to the immediate opening of the Juarez, Mexican border to free [the drug and slave] trade. They then took me downstairs to the living quarters of the western cedar and redwood structure where Kelly soon joined us. George Bush, Jr. deposited my obviously traumatized and withdrawn child at the door....
“Centered between two facing black leather sofas was a coffee table littered with drugs and paraphernalia.... Heroin, Bush’s drug of choice, was in abundance and Cheney joined him in using it. The smorgasbord of drugs laid out supposedly included opium, cocaine, and Wonderland Wafers (MDMHA-XTC, AKA: Ecstasy), which indicated to me they intended to celebrate their vacation with abandon. I had seen Cheney stumbling drunk before, but this was the only time I saw him use heroin and give it to me. Kelly, too, was subjected to the drugs.
“Bush attempted to sell Cheney on the idea of pedophilia through graphic descriptions of having sex with Kelly. Both were already sexually aroused from drugs and anticipation. Cheney demonstrated to Bush why he did not have sex with kids by exposing himself to Kelly and saying, “Come here.” Upon seeing Cheney’s unusually large penis, Kelly reeled back in horror and cried, “No!” which made them both laugh. Bush asked Cheney for his liquid cocaine atomizer as he got up to take Kelly to the bedroom. When Cheney remarked how benevolent it was of Bush to numb her with it before sex, Bush replied, “The hell it is. It’s for me.” He described his excited state in typical vulgar terms and explained that he wanted it to spray cocaine on his penis to last longer. Cheney said, “I thought it was for the kid.” Bush explained, “Half the fun is having them squirm.” He took Kelly’s hand and led her off to the bedroom.
“Cheney... burned my inner thigh with the fireplace poker, and threatened to throw Kelly in the fire. He hypnotically enhanced his description of her burning to traumatize me deeply. As he sexually brutalized me, I heard Kelly’s whimpers coming from the bedroom. As her cries grew louder, Cheney turned on classical music to drown out her cries for help.
“At 4:00 am, as ordered, Bush Jr. (and his helicopter pilot) came to retrieve Kelly and me. We were flown (by helicopter) back to the Lake Shasta area where Houston and the motor home awaited us. Bush’s assault of Kelly proved to be a mind shattering experience for me, and physically devastating to Kelly. She was in dire need of medical attention and was unable even to move. Houston threatened to stop the motor home in the Yosemite area and throw me from a steep cliff if I didn’t settle down. His threats and commands could not control my hysteria, as much of his control programming had inadvertently shattered. Fearful he would lose both his ‘money-makers,’ Houston permitted me to telephone Kelly’s doctor and begin administering medicines. As for me, he arranged for assistance in picking up the pieces in order that I complete my primary purpose in traveling to California, i.e., meet with Mexican President Miguel de la Madrid and finalize plans to open the Juarez border.”
According to a trusted source of this author’s who got drunk with O’Brien, her story never wavered, but became more intimate in detail. He told me he felt that she was telling the truth.
While many of O’Brien’s allegations remain controversial, similar allegations have been documented by the author via other, independent sources.
Michael Boren Williams, who was Senator Gary Hart’s 1988 presidential campaign manager, tried to expose “George Bush’s rampant criminal activity” when Bush “sought revenge” against him. He believes Bush personally ordered the FBI to terrorize him and his family. As Williams states: “I met a young lady named Jennifer Dingle who was working as a bartender in Freiburg im Breisgau, Germany at the Hotel Victoria’s very elegant bar. As it turns out, she was raised next-door to the Cohens, and William Cohen’s son was her close friend.... Yes, William Cohen is most definitely a pedophile.... Now, what is going to surprise you is that Bush and Cohen are, indeed, friends.”
Other sources backing up the pedophile allegations are Kay Pollard Griggs, wife of high-ranking “insider” Marine Colonel George Griggs—tied to Oliver North, Ted Shackley and Colonel Michael Aquino, an Army PSYOPS specialist and self-avowed Satanist investigated by the SFPD for child molestation, and the Nebraska State Senate Franklin investigative committee.
The Franklin allegations centered around one Larry E. King, Jr. a prominent black Nebraska Republican fund-raiser, CEO of the Franklin Credit Union and friend of former DCIs William Casey and George Bush.[*]
When the FBI raided King’s offices in November of 1988 to probe $40 million dollars in embezzlements, they discovered a large quantity of child pornography.[*]
Witnesses, including social workers and numerous children, told the Franklin Committee and the FBI that King was running a child prostitution ring that served prominent officials, including members of the Republican and Democratic parties.
King sang the national anthem at both the 1984 and 1988 Republican conventions, where President Reagan was the guest of honor. As Senator John DeCamp, who investigated the allegations as part of the Franklin Committee and who attended one party thrown by King in Dallas, writes in his book, The Franklin Cover-Up: Child Abuse, Satanism and Murder in Nebraska: “I saw Maureen Reagan draped over King all evening like a big blanket.”
A June 29, 1989 Washington Times article entitled, “Homosexual Prostitution Probe Ensnares Official of Bush, Reagan,” states:
“A homosexual prostitution ring is under investigation by federal and District authorities and includes among its clients key officials of the Reagan and Bush administrations, military officers, congressional aides and U.S. and foreign businessmen with close ties to Washington’s political elite.’”
One of King’s associates in Washington, D.C. was political lobbyist Craig Spence, who maintained a call-boy ring for Washington’s elite, specializing in children. A Republican powerbroker, Spence was known for his lavish “power cocktail’’ parties. As authors Tarpley and Chaitkin write in George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography:
“Spence was well connected. He celebrated Independence Day 1988 by conducting a midnight tour of the White House in the company of two teenage male prostitutes among others in his party. Rumors circulated that a list existed of some 200 Washington prominents who had used the call boy service. The Number Two in charge of personnel affairs at the White House, who was responsible for filling all the top civil service posts in the federal bureaucracy, and Secretary of Labor Elizabeth Dole’s chief of staff, were two individuals publicly identified as patrons of the call boy ring. Two of the ring’s call boys were allegedly KGB operatives, according to a retired general from the Defense Intelligence Agency interviewed by the press. But the evidence seemed to point to a CIA sexual blackmail operation instead. Spence’s entire mansion was covered with hidden microphones, two-way mirrors and video cameras, ever ready to capture the indiscretions of Washington’s high, mighty and perverse.... Months after the scandal had died down, and a few weeks before he allegedly committed suicide, Spence was asked who had given him the “key’’ to the White House.”
The Washington Times reports that “Mr. Spence hinted the tours were arranged by ‘top level’ persons, including Donald Gregg, National Security Advisor to Vice President Bush’s #1 and later U.S. Ambassador to South Korea.” ... Gregg indignantly denied any connection to Spence, yet it is public record that Spence had sponsored a dinner in Gregg’s honor in the spring of 1989 at Washington’s posh Four Seasons Hotel.
On Spence’s guest list were such names as Reagan’s CIA director William Casey and Attorney General John Mitchell, who once co-hosted a party with Spence, Ted Koppel and Eric Severeid.
Spence’s mansion was found to be full with hidden surveillance equipment, including hidden cameras and two-way mirrors. It was alleged that the ring was part of a CIA sexual blackmail operation (see “The Finders” case, below), gathering compromising evidence on Washington politicos and foreign dignitaries. Following his arrest on weapon and drug charges, Spence gave an interview to the Washington Times in which he claimed to work with both the CIA and high-ranking members of the Reagan/Bush administrations.
The paper trail would be quickly covered-up - some 20,000 documents sealed by court order. Spence turned up dead in a Boston hotel room five months later. The UK’s Independent reported that: “Boston police said he was found lying on his bed at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel, dressed in evening clothes, with no obvious signs of injury. The police refused to comment on the cause of death.” The Post had earlier reported that Spence had told a friend: “I may be disappearing soon. It will be sudden. It may appear to be a suicide, but it won’t be.”
In Nebraska, at least several victim-witnesses fingered Omaha Police Chief Robert Wadman, FBI agents Mickey Mott, Gerry Wahl and Alan Baer, Harold Andersen, publisher of the Omaha World-Herald and several other political associates of King’s.
King and Wadman, along with FBI agents Mott and Baer, were accused of pedophilia and drug usage (and drug dealing) with boys as young as 12 years old.[*] The allegations were made by numerous children interviewed by private investigator and former law-enforcement officer Gary Caradori who was working for the Franklin Committee. Caradori would later wind up dead, along with his 8 year-old son, in a highly suspicious plane crash. The crash occurred several days after he told Senator Loren Schmit that he had just discovered information that “would blow this case wide open.”[43*]
The Franklin Committee documented how King and his associates were involved in drug-running, child kidnapping, prostitution, satanism, and murder—involving numerous prominent state and federal officials, including, according to several child victim-witnesses, George Herbert Walker Bush.[44*]
As DeCamp writes: “... George Bush and Larry King were linked in multiple ways, including eyewitness reports placing Bush at King’s sex parties.
Youth care worker Julie Walters substantiates these allegations. As she writes in her report regarding her interview with a girl named Nelly Patterson-Web:
“Nelly accompanied Mr. and Mrs. King and their son Prince on trips to Chicago, N.Y. and Washington, D.C., beginning when she was 15 years old.... Nelly was taken along on the pretense of being Prince’s babysitter. Last year she met V.P. George Bush and saw him again at one of the parties Larry gave while on a Washington, D.C. trip. At some of the parties there are just men (as was the case at the party George Bush attended)—older men and younger men in their early twenties. Nelly said she has seen sodomy committed at those parties At other parties during Larry’s trips, Larry had local prostitutes. (in their 20’s & 30’s) there to entertain his male guests....”
As Tarpley and Chaitkin add about the “Pro-Life,’’ “Anti-Drug,’’ “Family Values” President:
... “Paul Bonacci directly accused President Bush of being implicated’’ in the affair when he testified before the Franklin Committee. Bonacci, who had been one of the child prostitutes, is identified by leading child-abuse experts as a well-informed, credible witness. Lawrence King was no stranger to President Bush. And Lawrence King was no stranger to Craig Spence. Several of the Omaha child prostitutes testified that they had traveled to Washington, D.C. with King in private planes to attend political events which were followed by sex parties.
“King and Spence had much in common. Not only were they both Republican Party activists but they had gone into business together procuring prostitutes for Washington’s elite. Bush’s name had repeatedly surfaced in the Nebraska scandal. But his name was first put into print in July 1989, a little less than a month after the Washington call boy affair had first made headlines. Omaha’s leading daily newspaper reported, “One child, who has been under psychiatric care, is said to believe she saw George Bush at one of King’s parties.” 
Journalist Steve Bowman writes: “We do have some credible witnesses who say that ‘Yes, George Bush does have a problem,’” Bowman told Gentleman’s Quarterly. One of Bowman’s sources is a retired CIA psychiatrist. He added that drug trafficking and political corruption were intertwined with pedophilia.
As far back as 1985, victim-witness Eulice (Lisa) Washington told Andrea Carener of the Nebraska Department of Social Services how she was regularly taken to Washington by plane, with other children, to attend parties hosted by King involving many prominent people, including businessmen and politicians. Lisa specifically named George Bush as being in attendance on at least two separate occasions.
Walters told Tarpley and Chaitkin that in 1986 she interviewed Lisa and her sister, who were temporarily living at the home of Kathleen Sorenson, who, like Caradori, would subsequently die in a suspicious car crash. Walters explained that Lisa, who came from an underprivileged background with no knowledge of political affairs, gave minute details of her attendance at political meetings. As Walters’ report states:
“3/25/86. Met with Kathleen and Lisa for about 2 hours in Blair [Nebraska] questioning Lisa for more details about sexual abuse.... Lisa admitted to being used as a prostitute by Larry King when she was on trips with his family.... Lisa said she first met V.P. George Bush at the Republican Convention and saw him again at a Washington, D.C. party that Larry hosted.... Last year she met V.P. George Bush and saw him again at one of the parties Larry gave while on a Washington, D.C. trip....”
A Franklin Committee report further states:
“Apparently she [Lisa] was contacted on December 19  and voluntarily came to the FBI offices on December 30, 1988. She was interviewed by Brady, Tucker and Phillips. She indicates that in September or October 1984, when [Lisa] Washington was fourteen or fifteen years of age, she went on a trip to Chicago with Larry King and fifteen to twenty boys from Omaha. She flew to Chicago on a private plane.... She indicates that she was coerced to going on the trip by Barbara Webb. She indicates that she attended a party in Chicago with King and the male youths. She indicated George Bush was present. She indicates that she set [sic] at a table at the party while wearing nothing but a negligee. She stated that George Bush saw her on the table. She stated she saw George Bush pay King money, and that Bush left the party with a nineteen year old black boy named Brent. Lisa said the party George Bush attended was in Chicago in September or October 1984. According to the Chicago Tribune of October 31, 1984, Bush was in Illinois campaigning for congressional candidates at the end of October. Lisa added more details on the Chicago trip, and told why she was sure it was George Bush she had seen. According to a May 8, 1989 report by investigator Jerry Lowe, “Eulice [Lisa] indicated that she recognized George Bush as coming to the party and that Bush had two large white males with him. Eulice indicated Bush came to the party approximately 45 minutes after it started and that he was greeted by Larry King. Eulice indicated that she knew George Bush due to the fact that he had been in political campaigns and also she had observed a picture of Bush with Larry King at Larry King’s house in Omaha.”
In keeping with the pattern of cover-up, a Washington County, Nebraska judge in December 1990 dismissed all charges against two of the girls’ abusers, Jarrett and Barbara Webb. The judge ignored testimony of the 1986 report by Julie Walters which states:
“Lisa was given four polygraph tests administered by a state trooper at the State Patrol office on Center Street in Omaha. The state trooper, after Lisa’s testing was completed, told [another foster parent] he tried to ‘break Lisa down,’ but he was convinced she was telling the truth.”
As Kathleen Sorenson writes in a report dated May 1, 1989, “This was long before he [Bush] was President. It seems like there were more exciting people to ‘lie’ about if that’s what they were doing.’’
Victims of King and his associates also charged him with participating in at least one satanic ritual murder of a child.
As DeCamp reports, victim-witness Paul Bonacci was at one point taken to a retreat for political elites such as George Bush and Henry Kissinger in Northern California called Bohemian Grove, where they were forced to participate in sex and to consume parts of a child whom they had watched being murdered by the cultists. As DeCamp writes:
“A ‘snuff” pornography film was made of these events; it was directed by a man the party had picked up in Las Vegas whom Paul identified as “Hunter Thompson”—the same name as a well known sleaze-culture figure.
“Paul has told investigators that the ring which plunged him into Satanism was centered at Offutt U.S. Air Force Base near Omaha; that he was taken to Offutt to be sexually victimized by a babysitter’s boyfriend when he was about three years old, around 1970. Offutt is the headquarters for the Strategic Air Command, and has had a cadre of thousands of intelligence personnel.
“At Offutt, and later at other military installations, Paul says this ring “trained” him by tortures, heavy drugging, and sexual degradation, while instructing him in military arts including assassination. In fact, his personal knowledge in these realms can scarcely be accounted for other than by crediting the indictments he has made.”
While these allegations may strike the uninitiated as bizarre, a similar case of CIA involvement in child kidnapping, satanism, pedophilia and mind-control—the “Finders” case—was revealed in a 1987 U.S. Customs report obtained by the author. When D.C. police and Customs agents raided a Washington, D.C. warehouse being used by the group, they found “a set of instructions which appeared to be a broadcast via a computer network which advised participants to move ‘the children’ and keep them moving through different jurisdictions, and instructions on how to avoid police attention.” (The children were headed for Mexico, tending to confirm Cathy O’Brien’s allegations.) As Customs Agent Ramon Martinez writes in his report:
“Cursory examination of the documents revealed detailed instructions for obtaining children for unspecified purposes. The instructions included the impregnation of female members of the community known as Finders, purchasing children, trading, and kidnapping. ... One of the officers presented me with a photo album for my review. The album contained a series of photos of adults and children dressed in white sheets participation in a ‘blood ritual.’ “The ritual centered around the execution of at least two goats. The photos portrayed the execution, disembowelment, skinning and dismemberment of the goats at the hands of the children. This included the removal of the testes of a male goat, the discovery of a female goat’s ‘womb’ and the ‘baby goats’ inside the womb, and the presentation of a goats head to one of the children.”
The CIA-connected Finders were never prosecuted. The report adds that...
“... the activity of the FINDERS had become a CIA internal matter. The MPD report has been classified SECRET and was not available for review. I was advised that the FBI had withdrawn from the investigation several weeks prior and that the FBI Foreign Counter Intelligence Division had directed MPD not to advise the FBI Washington Field Office of anything that had transpired.”[52*]
The head of the FBI’s Counter Intelligence Division at the time was Oliver “Buck” Revell—a crony of Oliver North and George Bush who would allegedly play a role in the cover-up of numerous crimes, including Iran-Contra, drug-running at the CIA/NSA/DoD proprietary E-Systems, and the bombing of Pan Am 103.[53*] (See Appendix)
A member of Nebraska’s Concerned Parents group reported hearing from two North Omaha witnesses that “King used to send limousines down to Offutt Air Base to pick up CIA agents for parties.”
King, FBI agents Gerry Wahl and Alan Baer, Omaha World-Herald publisher Harold Andersen, and former Omaha Police Chief Robert Wadman were all reported as collaborators in this satanic military-based ring. King reportedly told Paul’s captors at Offutt, “He’s young—but you trained him good.” Some say King provided the CIA with information garnered from his pimping activities for America’s perverted elite.
Victim-witness Paul Bonacci also described one of his “commanders” at Offut Air Force Base—Bill Plemmons and Lieutenant Colonel Michael Aquino.
Until recently, Aquino was a Colonel in the U.S. Army and a national commander of the Eagle Scouts Honor Society. Ironically, Aquino is a publicly avowed Satanist. In 1975, while still in the Army, Aquino founded the Temple of Set—an offshoot of the Church of Satan, started in 1966 by Anton LaVey. Set is the Egyptian God of the underworld and the dead.
Aquino made a pilgrimage to Heinrich Himmler’s “Hall of the Dead” at Wewelsburg Castle in 1984, where the SS practiced their black magic rituals, so he could allegedly “cleanse” the Temple of Set of its corrupt vibes.
Although Aquino’s membership has dwindled in recent years, members of The Temple of Set have included high-ranking military and police officers.
Although no cases of ritual murder or abuse have been directly linked to either group, in numerous cases of ritual murder, Church of Satan and Temple of Set material such as LaVey’s The Satanic Bible, have been found among suspects’ paraphernalia.
In 1987, San Francisco was shaken by a scandal at the Amy’s Presidio day care center, in which Aquino and a day care worker were accused by [the parents] of a three year old girl, (and subsequently several other parents) of being subjected to bizarre satanic rituals at Aquino’s home. Although there proceeded a lengthy investigation by the San Francisco Police Department, the FBI and the Army CID, no charges were ever brought against Aquino. As recently as 1995, the SFPD detective in charge, who I interviewed, was still too frightened to reveal details of the case.
As for Larry King, he reported his own adoring relationship to the late CIA Director William Casey in a September 7, 1988, interview in the Omaha publication Metropolitan.
As they would do with Iran-Contra, the FBI and the majority of the mainstream press covered up the scandal. Harold Andersen’s Omaha World-Herald, along with the local FBI office under the leadership of Nick O’Hara, played a major role in covering up these activities. Andersen was seen at numerous parties by several children who gave statements to Franklin investigators.
Roy Stephens, a private investigator and head the Missing Youth Foundation who worked on the case “says there is reason to believe that the CIA is directly implicated,’’ and that the “FBI refuses to help in the investigation and has sabotaged any efforts’’ to get to the bottom of the story.
As tearful victim-witness Troy Boner told Sandie Caradori, wife of investigator Gary Caradori on the evening of his death, “Sandie, I tried, I tried. I went to [FBI Agent] Mickey Mott and.... They laughed at me....”
When DeCamp and Senator Loren Schmit confronted Senior Agent in Charge of the Omaha office Nick O’Hara, O’Hara, a friend of Police Chief Robert Wadman’s, blurted out, “You fuck with Bob Wadman, you fuck with the FBI!” DeCamp and Schmit left O’Hara’s office in a state of shock.
So began the cover-up.
Indeed. The FBI threatened and intimidated numerous witnesses, approximately 15 of whom wound up dead under highly suspicious circumstances. Victim-witness Alisha Owen, then still a teenager, was threatened by FBI agents Mott and Baer to change her story. When she refused, she was sentenced to 20 years in jail.
Senator Bernice Labedz recounted her conversation with former Franklin employee Noel Seltzer:
“One of the most important things that I thought he told me was the fact that when they first went into the investigation of Larry King, he was talked to by the FBI and he told them mostly everything that he told me about the sexual abuse and so forth. And then he said he was told by the FBI, ‘we’re going to advise you it’s best for you that you keep your mouth shut.’ And I said, ‘say that again,’ and he repeated it so I could write it down.”
Victim-witness Terry Muller told Gary Caradori “that the FBI and a member of the State Patrol were harassing her brother and trying to get him to talk about things that he just didn’t know about.”
Department of Social Services worker Joanie Gregory, who discovered evidence of wrongdoing in the homes of foster parents Jarrett and Barbara Webb, themselves involved in the abuse ring, was told by the FBI “that it would probably be in her best interest if she ‘forgot this information.’”
As Caradori himself told the Franklin Committee: “I think they (the grand jury) are being misled by the influence of the State Patrol investigator and various people in the FBI.”
DeCamp writes that “the legislative investigator found that the FBI interfered with material even before he got to it.”
As Troy Boner states in a sworn affidavit: “... I was carefully rehearsed by the FBI as to what I would say and what questions would be asked and then after rehearsing everything with the FBI I was taken over to Mr. Moran the prosecutor to go through the rehearsal again.”[*]
Boner claims the FBI threatened him, and had in fact killed his brother Shawn as a warning.
Kathleen Sorenson, the social worker who assumed foster care for Nelly and Kimberly Webb after they fled the home of Larry King’s relatives Barbara and Jarrett Webb, died in a suspicious head-on car crash. Retired FBI Senior Agent Ted Gunderson, who investigated the crash, believes Sorenson was killed as a satanic contract suicide. The belief in such a murder/suicide is that the murderer will reincarnate with more power granted by Satan.
Sorenson, a vocal anti-Satanist, whose itinerary was known to at least several people, was traveling on a long, narrow stretch of road between Fremont and Blair, Nebraska. Both the women who rammed into her head-on and her husband had prior arrest records for cruelty to animals—a common sign of satanic activity.
“Not long after Sorenson’s death, a teenager in a youth care facility told a worker, “You better watch out or we will get you like we got that lady from Blair.” The youth went on to describe a ceremony of drawing lots for the privilege.”
On July 11, 1990, during the course of his investigations, Franklin Senate Committee investigator Gary Caradori, 41, died in the crash of his small plane, together with his 8-year-old son Andrew, after a mid-air explosion. Caradori told friends repeatedly in the weeks before his death that he feared his plane would be sabotaged. As previously mentioned, just days before he died, he called Senator Schmit and announced that he had obtained information that would “blow this case wide open.”
Shawn Boner, brother of victim-witness Troy Boner, would die from a gunshot wound allegedly resulting from “Russian Roulette.”
Aaron Owen, brother of victim-witness Alisha Owen, was found hanged in his cell in Lincoln, Nebraska hours before his sister was to testify.
Bill Baker, a restaurant owner and pornography partner of King’s, was found shot in the back of the head.
Newt Copple, a confidential informant for Caradori, died in his sleep.
Clare Howard, former secretary of Alan Baer who arranged many of Baer’s pedophile trysts, died in her sleep the same year.
Mike Lewis, a former caregiver for victim-witness Loretta Smith, died of a “severe diabetic reaction.”
Joe Malek, an associate of King’s and owner of Peony Park, where homosexual galas were held, died from a gunshot that was ruled a “suicide.”
Charlie Rogers, a homosexual partner of King’s who stated he feared for his life, found his head blown off with a shotgun.
Dan Ryan, another associate of King’s, was found suffocated in his car.
Bill Skoleski, an Omaha police officer believed to have been keeping a file on King, died of a heart-attack.
Curtis Tucker, an associate of King’s, was found on the sidewalk beneath the window of his room at the Holiday Inn in Omaha.
Harmon Tucker, a Nebraska and Iowa school superintendent and a known homosexual, was found dead near the plantation which Omaha World-Herald publisher and Nebraska-Iowa FBI chief Nicholas O-Hara used for hunting. His murder had signs of a satanic ritual killing.
Darlene Novinger, an FBI operative, discovered during an FBI investigation that George Herbert Walker Bush and two of his sons were using drugs and prostitutes in a Florida hotel while Bush was Vice President. She was warned not to report her findings to FBI officials. Four hours after she appeared on Tom Valentine’s July, 1993 Radio Free America show, her father was found dead. A white canary was placed on his grave as a warning. Her husband was also beaten to death. Novinger has since gone into hiding.
Donald Gregg’s friend, Craig Spence, was found dead in a Boston hotel room shortly after his sordid affairs were published in the Washington Times.
As one lady stated during a town hall meeting in Omaha in December of 1990: “I think George Bush is involved in this child abuse case, and that is why all these people have been dying.”[68*]
“Since the end of World War II, the United States has spent a thousand billion dollars—one trillion dollars—furnished by the American people, who have been colonized by these men and their hunger for power. Could the CIA kill a president to keep such an operation going? Kings have been beheaded for infinitely less.”ss.”
- Judge Jim Garrison, A Heritage of Stone (1970)
As for Bush’s friend Larry King, it was reported that he was a top contributor to a Contra support committee—the Citizens for America. Contra organizer Oliver North was seen by at least one witness at one of King’s parties.
King’s public relations firm was also used by the drug-running Contras. Sources told John DeCamp that Omaha Police Chief Bob Wadman “was protecting the expansion of the Cryps and the Bloods into Omaha—far from their home turf of Los Angeles. As DeCamp writes:
“One of Caradori’s informants stated that Wadman was instrumental in bringing the drug-trafficking gangs, the Los Angeles Bloods and Cryps, into Omaha. According to a June 19 1989 report by Caradori’s predecessor at the Franklin committee, Jerry Lowe, members of the Bloods and Cryps were identified by local police as driving Larry King’s car....”
San Jose Mercury News investigative reporter Gary Webb has meticulously documented how the LA street gangs were intimately tied in with Contra liaisons in the U.S. George Bush, Oliver North’s boss, was essentially running the Contra show, or at least the drug angle. As DeCamp writes:
“So, was Larry King’s buddy George Bush the country’s ‘drug kingpin’ in the 1980s? I don’t know. But what I do know, is that if Bush were running the Contra affair, and drugs were a big part of it, that would certainly jibe 100% with everything known or rumored about Bush, Larry King, and the Franklin Credit Union....”
As Lieutenant Colonel Bo Gritz, the most highly decorated Special Forces officer of the Vietnam War and later head of Special Forces in Central America, adds in his book, Called To Serve:
“George Bush was head of the CIA in 1975-76, appointed by President Gerald Ford; as Vice President under Ronald Reagan, he was our top drug cop for eight years; one of his chief aides, Donald Gregg, was a direct contact in the Contra line of communication to the White House. Ollie North’s personal diary has more than 550 entries citing drug money being used to support contra operations. If George Bush didn’t know about the drug smuggling, he wasn’t doing his job. If he did know about it, then he is clearly culpable. Either way, it doesn’t stand as a credit for a man who would represent the best interests of the United States.”
Like Richard Nixon, Bush publicly claimed to be a strong anti-drug president, escalating the so-called “war on drugs” begun by his mentor Richard Nixon. Nixon had first brought Bush into his “war on drugs” in 1971-77 when Nixon appointed him to the White House Cabinet Committee on International Narcotics Control.
In his first formally scheduled prime time television address to the nation as President in September of 1989, Bush again reiterated his plan to rid the nation of its devastating drug scourge. Bush held up a bag of crack cocaine for the camera and announced with mock incredulity that it had been purchased right across the street from the White House, in Lafayette Park. In fact, the drug bust of the dealer had been a set-up.
During his 1988 election campaign, Bush had hawked himself as President Reagan’s number one drug fighter. In his acceptance speech before the 1988 Republican National Convention, Bush stated: “I want a drug-free America. Tonight, I challenge the young people of our country to shut down the drug dealers around the world.... My Administration will be telling the dealers, “Whatever we have to do, we’ll do, but your day is over. You’re history.’”
Bush was telling the truth, in a sense. At least small drug dealers would be out of business—replaced by the Medellin Cartel which Bush, along with Ted Shackley, allegedly helped organize. The CIA reportedly arranged at least two meetings with Colombian drug smugglers—first in Buenaventura, Colombia in September of 1981, then in December of that same year, with approximately 200 dealers in attendance. The meeting, according to former FAA investigator Rodney Stich’s (Defrauding America and The Drugging of America ) CIA sources, was held at the Hotel International in Medellin. The CIA set up a “crisis” situation to compel the dealers to consolidate under the protection of the CIA by kidnapping drug kingpins Carlos Lehder and Jorge Ochoa’s sister. The CIA reportedly paid a group known as M-19 three million dollars to carry out the kidnapping. As CIA operative Trenton Parker told Stich, “...Bush knew the whole goddamn thing.”
According to Russell S. Bowen, a highly decorated World War II P-38 ace and former OSS agent imprisoned for smuggling cocaine into the U.S. from Colombia (and other sources), Noriega and the Israeli Mossad worked hand-in-hand with the CIA in the drug traffic from Central and South America.
Bowen was a friend of Shackley’s, having worked with him from the early 1950s until 1984. In 1959, Shackley was a passenger onboard a C-46 piloted by Bowen when the plane crashed in the Bolivian Andes. As Bowen told Stich: “It was loaded with drugs!”
“[Bowen] stated that this trip occurred several years before Shackley was made CIA station chief in Miami, and that Shackley was instrumental in setting up the CIA drug trafficking into the United States from South America....
“Bowen described the conflict between different CIA factions. “At that time, “ Bowen said, “Shackley was the leader of the CIA faction bringing the drugs in. The CIA team I worked for did not want the drugs in.”[*]
“I asked who set up that initial drug operation. Bowen, referring to Shackley, said, “He was the mastermind of the drug operation. he had full authority to set it up.”
Another pilot maintained in voluminous correspondence from prison with Senator John Kerry’s Iran-Contra Committee (and since his release in 1990) that “Bob Haynes” was the alias used by Shackley during their close interaction between 1979 and 1984. As Harry Martin reports in the Napa Sentinel:
“[The pilot] also has a number of documents in safekeeping which prove the presence of Shackley in Medellin, not only directing the cocaine cartel, but orchestrating many of the activities in Panama and Costa Rica related to the contra war in Nicaragua, and the large-scale smuggling of cocaine into the United States. Included among them are a handwritten note from Haynes/Shackley directing him to deliver a DC-6A aircraft from the Dominican Republic to Floyd Carlton in Panama “for Col. Robert.”
“The pilot has claimed that he functioned as one of an elite group of military intelligence agents with service dating back to World War II, who reported, until his imprisonment in 1984, directly to [former OSS agent and CIA DCI] William Casey, and maintains that he was directly involved with Theodore Shackley in the establishment of the arms network to the contras through Panama in the early 1980s. Among the letters received from Haynes/Shackley was one directing him to acquire a number of planes in the Dominican Republic and Aruba for the network. The list has been verified by the special U.S. Customs team in Miami investigating Munitions Control Board violations as planes they are familiar with having been used in such activities.”
“Haynes” also furnished the pilot with his business card for INTERKREDIT, with offices in Medellin, Ft. Lauderdale and Amsterdam. INTERKREDIT was the corporate cover under which Shackley conducted business with General Noriega during 1983.
In addition to the pilot, witnesses allege Shackley maintained a home in Medellin, Colombia at one point, where he lived with his Colombian wife, Leona Ochoa, sister of cartel kingpin Jorge Ochoa.
It was a convenient spot to manage the CIA’s drug business. As previously mentioned, the CIA, through DCI George Bush and Deputy Director for Operations Ted Shackley, virtually set up the Medellin Cartel. The meetings were held at the Hotel International in Medellin. Two CIA operatives: Trenton Parker and Gunther Russbacher, confirmed the meetings to Stich.
Ramon Milian Rodriguez, an accountant and money launderer who had laundered $1.5 billion for the Medellin cartel, testified before a Senate committee that he had given Bush-Shackley CIA associate Felix Rodriguez $10 million from the cocaine profits to fund the Contras.
Rodriguez told journalist Martha Honey that Rodriguez had offered that “in exchange for money for the Contra cause he would use his influence in high places to get the cartel U.S. ‘good will.’”
The CIA would eventually eradicate top leaders of the Medellin Cartel, killing Medellin founders Pablo Escobar and Jorge Ochoa. Medellin co-founder Carlos Lehder and his associate Manuel Noriega would be sentenced to life terms. During Operation “Just Cause” in Panama, Bush replaced many Medellin allied bankers with political and financial leadership more closely allied with the rival Cali Cartel.
Trenton Parker said he secretly gave evidence of CIA criminality from 1976 to 1982 to Congressman Larry McDonald of the Joint Armed Services Committee. The files revealed corrupt activities of several presidents, numerous federal officials and the CIA. Immediately after McDonald let it be known that he was going to reveal the information, including information on the CIA’s drug smuggling activities, his plane was shot down.
Bush’s Zapata Petroleum Co. (later Zapata Offshore), with upwards of 600 branches worldwide, is reportedly used for the CIA’s intelligence gathering. (Bush had begun his career working for International Derrick and Equipment Company, a subsidiary of the Houston-based Dresser Industries—a long-time CIA cover. Dresser’s Chairman, Henry Neil Mallon, who offered Bush the job, was a friend of Prescott’s and a fellow Skull and Bonseman.) Some sources, including covert operatives interviewed by Stich, contend that Zapata’s offshore drilling rigs, located beyond the U.S. jurisdictional limit, are centers for transferring large quantities of illicit drugs and other contraband. CIA cable analyst Michael Maholy told Stich that he personally witnessed numerous drug flights while working on Zapata rigs, and was told to forget what he had seen. The operation was run through Rowan International. “Rowan International was a cover for a branch of Zapata Oil,” says Maholy. Three of the propietaries involved were the CIA-connected Evergreen (owned by Raytheon; see Chapter XX), Southern Air Transport, and Pacific Seafood.
Maholy says he worked directly under George Bush and Marine Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North. These people and their accomplices and agents, made hundreds of millions of dollars bringing drugs into the U.S. over the years.[*]
Implicated in the Venezuelan operation were naval officer Lizardo Marquez Perez, Mossad agent Michael Harari, CIA officer Dewy Duane Clarridge, Army lieutenant General Paul Gorman, Commander of the U.S. Southern Command, Washington DEA Chief Ron Caffrey, Oliver North, Pacific Seafood’s Russell Hebert and others.
Maholy says Bill Clinton was also in the loop. “...not only was I arrested four blocks from the then-Governor of Arkansas, Bill Clinton’s mansion,” says Maholy, “but I was also involved in the ‘Mena, Arkansas’ incident. Our drugs were going to many of the high-ranking state and government officials in Arkansas. Roger Clinton (Clinton’s brother) was one of our better customers.”[79*]
Former CIA operatives Russell Bowen, Tosh Plumlee, Gunther Russbacher, Chip Tatum and others confirmed much of Maholy’s story.
Some of the money, according to former CIA operative Richard Brenneke, was banked at the infamous Nazi-connected Brown Brothers-Harriman Bank. Brenneke testified under oath that he opened an account there for Bush’s operation in 1980. The money was funneled through the John Gotti organized crime family.
Another bank used for hiding Bush’s secret accounts was the Hawaii-based Bishop, Baldwin, Rewald, Dillingham and Wong—a CIA propietary that in part took over the failed CIA Nugan-Hand Bank of Australia. Agency operative Ronald Rewald told Stich that he personally set up accounts for Bush under the aliases “Irwin M. Peach” and “Mr. Bramble.”
According to former LAPD Narcotics detective Michael Ruppert, two key men in the drug pipeline were Ted Shackley and George Bush. Shackley, a CIA Deputy Director, had reportedly played the key role in smuggling heroin out of South-East Asia when he was Saigon Station Chief, as popularized by the movie “Air America.”[*]
In 1976, Bush would appoint his friend Shackley as Associate Deputy Director of Operations—the third most powerful position in the CIA. Shackley had been in charge of the Miami CIA station that had been running the Agency’s anti-Castro activities, and was a key architect of the CIA’s “low intensity conflict” operations in Central America (death squads modeled after the Agency’s murderous Phoenix Operation in Viet Nam). Fired by the Agency in 1979, Shackley would re-emerge in the early 1980s as an integral player in Iran-Contra, meeting frequently with Bush at his Arlington, VA home.
As Ruppert states: “Both men are central to the drug trafficking by CIA and NSC which became epidemic in the Iran-Contra era.”
A report by the Costa Rican government states that Oliver North, John Hull, and a number of other Americans were deeply involved in the drug trafficking in the area.
When DEA agent Celerino “Cele” Castillo naively tried to inform Bush of the high-level drug running at a cocktail party in Guatemala City in 1986, he said, “Bush just smiled, shook my hand and walked away.”
As former CIA operative Phillip Agee told the Associated Press in January of 1990: “Bush is up to his neck in illegal drug running on behalf of the Contras.”[86*]
These allegations would be repeated by numerous others. One man who decided to blow the whistle was former CIA operative Richard Brenneke. As Brenneke stated in a sworn deposition before Congressman William Alexander, Jr., and Chad Farris, Chief Deputy Attorney General of Arkansas:
A. ...As far back as 1968 and early ‘69, we had begun to launder money from organized crime families in New York. At that time, Mr. Gotti was an up-and-coming member of the families. I got to know them at that time. We used to wash their money out overseas and put it in Switzerland in nice, safe places for them.
Q. So you worked for Mr. Gotti as well as for the CIA?
A. Actually the CIA told me to do that on his behalf.
Q. So the CIA was in, would you say, partnership or association with Mr. Gotti?
A. Yes, sir. I would say a partnership.
Q. And can you describe the nature of that partnership?
A. Sure. The organized crime members had a need for two things: they needed drugs brought into the country on a reliable, safe basis; they needed people taken out of the country or people brought into the country without alerting customs or INS to the fact that they were being brought into the country; they also needed their money taken offshore so that it would not be subject to United States tax where they might have to declare its source. And so we performed these kinds of functions for them.
Q. Mr. Brenneke, are you saying that the CIA was in the business of bringing drugs into the United States?
A. Yes, sir. That’s exactly what I’m saying.
Q. Can you recall any conversations you had with any of the CIA agents about the money, and tell us the nature of that conversation, the scope of it?
A. Sure. When I found that we were bringing drugs into the United States, and that we were receiving money which was being put into accounts which I knew to belong to the United States Government, as I’d set them up specifically for that purpose, I called Mr. Don Gregg, who was a CIA officer with whom I was acquainted, and complained about the nature of what we were doing.
Q. Now, who is Mr. Don Gregg?
A. At that time, he was... Vice President George Bush’s National Security Advisor....
Q. And can you tell us what you remember about that conversation?
A. I surely can. I was told that it was not my business, what I was flying in and out of the country. That I was hired to do specific things, and if I would do those things and not pay any attention to anything else, we would all be very happy. I didn’t like that.
Q. Well, what else did he say?
A. Shut up and do your job.
Bob Martinez, after his defeat as Florida’s governor, was picked as Bush’s drug czar. Sources in Tampa told Russell Bowen that Martinez was under investigation for smuggling activities. But Attorney General Richard Thornburgh removed the Assistant U.S. Attorney before the indictments could be handed down.
Two Assistant U.S. Attorneys in charge of drug prosecutions in Miami—R. Jerome Stanford and Richard Gregorie—resigned in disgust because of CIA stonewalling and cover-ups. Gregorie told a Senate subcommittee that the CIA’s lack of cooperation resulted in a “constitutional crisis.”
As Stich’s CIA sources told him, the Agency was shipping arms to both sides in the Contra war to keep the war going, while publicly stating that the Sandinistas were the ones trafficking in drugs. As in Miami, the CIA set up another fake drug sting using their main drug pilot, Barry Seal. Seal’s plane was rigged with a hidden video camera which ostensibly recorded Sandinistas loading drugs onto the plane. In reality, they were Contras. The “evidence” was subsequently shown to Congress to justify the continued war.[*]
To maintain his position as anti-drug czar, Bush along with CIA, DEA and Customs, set up a fake drug sting at Miami International Airport in March of 1980 using 4,000 pounds of bad cocaine donated by Jorge Ochoa. DEA and Customs agents were on-hand at the airport to make the drug “bust” to insure George Bush’s public heroism.
On January 28, 1982, Bush created the South Florida Task Force to coordinate the efforts of various federal agencies to stem the tide of illegal narcotics. According to local and federal law-enforcement sources, radar balloons and other systems used along the southern U.S. border were not even operational much of the time.
As Tarpley and Chaitkin write:
“On February 16, 1982, in a speech on his own turf in Miami, Florida, Bush promised to use sophisticated military aircraft to track the airplanes used by smugglers. Several days later, Bush ordered the U.S. Navy to send in its E2C surveillance aircraft for this purpose. If these were not available in sufficient numbers, said Bush, he was determined to bring in the larger and more sophisticated AWACS early warning aircraft to do the job....
“By May, two of the four E2C aircraft that originally had been in Florida were transferred out of the state. By June, airborne surveillance time was running a mere 40 hours per month, not the 360 hours promised by Bush, prompting Rep. Glenn English to call hearings on this topic. By October, 1982 the General Accounting Office issued an opinion in which it found “it is doubtful whether the [south Florida] task force can have any substantial long-term impact on drug availability.”
“But the headlines were grabbed by Bush, who stated in 1984 that the efforts of his task force had eliminated the marijuana trade in south Florida. That was an absurd claim, but it sounded very good. When Francis Mullen. Jr., the administrator of the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) criticized Bush for making this wildly inaccurate statement, he was soon ousted from his post at the DEA.”
This data supports information provided to this author by law-enforcement officers [who wish to remain anonymous]. According to numerous sources, the drug flow actually increased during Bush’s tenure as drug czar. As former CIA pilot Tosh Plumlee told Rodney Stich: “From the time that the money was appropriated to start [the drug war] we saw a 400 percent increase in the illegal drugs that were coming into this country.”
On March 23, 1983, Bush would be cleverly placed in charge of the National Narcotics Border Interdiction System, which was supposed to stem the tide of drugs into the U.S.
Plumlee, who witnessed decades worth of drug smuggling by the CIA, the NSC, and the military, said that his government handlers tried to cover up for their smuggling activities by claiming that the shipments were to be used in law-enforcement “sting” operations. As he states: “We were documenting the loads and the routes and waiting for the big busts. But the busts never seemed to add up to the amount of cocaine we were bringing in.”
How did George Bush assume such enormous powers over the law enforcement and covert operations of this country (not to mention the Presidency)? This was done through a series of Executives Orders and National Security Decision Directives (NSDDs) engineered by former CIA Director Bush signed by President Reagan.
On December 14, 1981, Reagan signed NSDD-2 on “Crisis Management,” which designated Vice President Bush Chairman of the Special Situation Group (SSG), responsible for crisis management.
On January 12, 1982, Reagan signed NSDD-3, which reaffirmed the existence of various interagency groups to deal with intelligence and covert operations. Under the interpretation of this document promoted by Bush, the SSG superseded and pre-empted the powers of the NSC in areas of “crisis management,” which encompassed covert operations and counter-terrorism.
On January 28, 1982, Bush was put in charge of the South Florida Task Force on drugs.
On May 14, 1982, a standing Crisis Pre-Planning Group (CPPG 1 and 2) was established under the SSG. Thus Bush was given responsibility for any area in which a “potential crisis” could emerge, and was charged with developing “preemptive policy options” for dealing with such a crisis.
On April 10, 1982, NSDD-30, on “Managing Terrorist Incidents,” was issued, giving Bush control over the convening of the SSG, and creating the “Terrorist Incident Working Group” (TIWG).
On March 23, 1983, Bush took charge of the National Narcotics Border Interdiction System.
In July 1985, the Vice President’s Terrorism Task Force was created, headed by Bush.
In February 1986, the Terrorism Task Force created the Operations Sub-Group, officially a sub-group of the TIWG, and also created a permanent counter-terrorism office located in the NSC staff, headed by Oliver North, but ultimately controlled by Bush.
In August 1986, Bush became the chief of “Operation Alliance,” an “anti-narcotics” effort to be conducted in cooperation with Mexico.
Thus from December 1981 to August 1986, Bush had consolidated his control over virtually aspect of U.S. covert operations, as well as every agency dealing with drug interdiction. Never before in peacetime in our country’s history had one man assumed as much power as Bush exercised while Vice President.
George Jr would follow on the heals of his father’s silent coup de etat through his blatent manipulation of the U.S. Supreme Court in stealing the 2,000 Presidency via fraudulent vote tallies.
One year later, on January 4, 1984, Bush would travel to Miami to deliver one of his well-rehearsed “war on drugs” speeches at the Omni International Hotel. Later in the day Bush rendezvoused with boat builder and former racer Don Arnow at Islamorada in the Florida Keys. Bush’s high-priced “Cigarette” speedboat Fidelity was purchased from Arnow, his friend and fishing partner. As one local resident said, “everyone in Miami knew that if you needed a favor from Bush, you spoke to Arnow.”
Arnow was reportedly a drug smuggler and suspected money launderer linked to the Genovese Purple Gang of New York through Frankie Viserto, one of the largest heroin smuggling kingpins, and the Meyer Lansky organized crime syndicate. Lansky had close ties to Israel and the Mossad, who played their own role in smuggling drugs out of Central and South America.[*] Arnow’s role in marijuana smuggling was reportedly confirmed by Bill Norris, head of the Major Narcotics Unit at the Miami U.S. Attorney’s office.
USA Racing, the company operated by Arnow was owned by Jack J. Kramer, President of Super Chief South Corporation. Kramer had married Lansky’s niece. On March 28, 1990 Jack and Ben Kramer were found guilty of 23 and 28 counts respectively of federal money laundering charges. Ben had previously been sentenced to life imprisonment for having imported half-a-million pounds of marijuana.
Nevertheless, a result of his favoritism with Bush, Arnow received a contract to build his “Blue Thunder” catamarans at $150,000 apiece for the U.S. Customs Service. As Tarpley and Chaitkin write:
“Bush had thus given a prime contract in waging the war on drugs to one of the leading drug-smuggling and money-laundering crime families in the US.... This was the same George Bush who in March, 1988 had stated: “I will never bargain with drug dealers on US or foreign soil.”
As Thomas Burdick and Charlene Mitchell add in Blue Thunder:
“Ultimately by awarding Arnow the Blue Thunder contract, Bush allowed not one, but two, drug smuggling arms of the mob to penetrate the government’s anti-drug program.”
Probably by design, the Blue Thunder catamarans were unseaworthy and practically unusable for chasing down high-speed craft, including Arnow’s Cigarette boats. Blue Thunder was capable of a top speed of only 56 miles per hour, and most of the boats spent more time undergoing repairs than chasing drug runners.
Ex-convict Tommy Teagle told author Thomas Burdick that he possessed information that implicated Bush’s son Jeb in cocaine smuggling. Teagle stated that Arnow and Jeb Bush had been partners in cocaine trafficking and were $2.5 million in debt to their Colombian suppliers.
According to former CIA operative Terry Reed, current President George Bush, Jr. and his brother Jeb were videotaped at Tamiami airport outside of Miami. They had arrived on the Bush family King Air from Texas, presumably piloted by George W., to pick up two kilos of cocaine which was delivered by Barry Seal from the Intermountain Regional airport in Mena Arkansas. Reed was the unwitting co-pilot. At the time he made his public statements, Reed indicated that he had both the tail number of the Bush Aircraft and the DEA (NADDIS) file number of the investigation.[96*]
Dr. Robert Magoon, a friend of Arnow, is quoted as having heard a similar report. Teagle said he feared that George Bush would have him killed, and rapidly changed his story.
But Arnow wouldn’t be around to testify. Ultimately, an imprisoned convict was indicted for Arnow’s murder—a murder that remains highly suspect.
According to an article by Joe Cuomo in Penthouse entitled “Family Ties,” one of Jeb’s business partners was Colombian “coffee” magnate Alberto Duque Rodriguez.
Federal prosecutors in Miami have a photo of Jeb and Leonel Martinez, a Miami-based Cuban-American drug trafficker, shaking hands, but won’t release the photo. Martinez and his wife made a $2,000 contribution to the Dade County Republican Party four months after Jeb became chair of the local GOP. Martinez also wrote $5,000 checks to then Vice President Bush’s Fund for America’s Future, and made a $2,000 contribution to the Bush for President campaign. This was during the time that Bush was serving as head of the South Florida Drug Task Force, then later as chair of the National Narcotics Interdiction System. While Bush was drug czar, the volume of cocaine smuggled into the U.S. tripled.
Former CIA helicopter pilot Chip Tatum backs up allegations of Bush’s involvement in drug smuggling. On March 30, 1985, Tatum says he flew his helicopter to La Cieba, Honduras, where he picked up Bush Contra liason Felix Rodriguez, Honduran General Alvarez and Mossad agent Amirm Nir.
“We flew into several villages on the Nicaragua/Honduras border to recon for a later mission. I recorded actual village locations for cargo drops by CH-47’s scheduled later in April. Three of the villages were Rus Rus, Waspam and Santa Anna. Mr. [Oliver] North was pleased with the operations. He stated that Vice President Bush appreciated the extra effort I was giving. General Alvarez told Mr. North of my ability to sneak into his airfield under their radar. He asked North if I could instruct some of his security team and pilots for future use. North declined stating that I was a national secret, laughing. We landed at Santa Anna and met with Enrique Bermudez and other Contra leaders. We were then taken to a processing area of some sort. As we approached, there was a strong smell of jet fuel and acetone. There were several tactical bladders, used for carrying fuels, sitting around the area. Six large fuel pods were on the ground but had the tops torched off. Inside there was fuel and ground-up coca leaves. Mr. North stated the following to the other passengers, “One more year of this and we’ll all retire.” He then made a remark concerning Barry Seal and Governor Clinton. “If we can keep those Arkansas hicks in line, that is,” referring to the loss of monies as determined the week prior during their meeting in Costa Rica. I stood silently by the vat of leaves, listening to the conversation. General Alverez had gone with the Contra leader to discuss logistics. The other three—North, Rodriguez, and Ami Nir—continued through the wooden building, inspecting the cocaine. North continued, “...but he (Vice President Bush) is very concerned about those missing monies. I think he’s going to have Jeb (Bush) arrange something out of Colombia,” he told his comrades, not thinking twice of my presence. What Mr. North was referring to ended up being the assassination of Barry Seal by members of the Medellin Cartel in early 1986. “How about ‘Pineapple’?” Rodriguez asked. (Speaking of General Noriega.) “Naw,” North answered, “something’s up there.” Bush later insured Noriega was indicted and imprisoned for drug trafficking. I recalled the mysterious army officers remarks in Ojo de Agua, “Tell no one. There’s no one big enough in your chain of command.” I just heard North tell Rodriguez that the Vice President, the Governor of Arkansas and the three of them are manufacturing cocaine.”
As a liason to the Contra/Anti-Castro Cuban community in Florida, Jeb Bush was responsible for freeing Cuban-American terrorist Orlando Bosch from prison. Bosch was responsible for a wave of bombings against Cuba, including the 1976 bombing of a Cuban airliner that killed 73 people. Bosch received his financing from a Florida company called the World Finance Corporation—the subject of one of the largest drug-smuggling investigations in the 1970s. The investigation was eventually dropped due to CIA interference. Bush was CIA Director during much of the company’s anti-Castro activities.
Westword, a Denver newspaper, reported Bush’s son Neil—who played a role in the bilking of Denver’s Silverado Savings & Loan, for which he walked away unscathed—being referred to as the “godfather” of a drug dealer who kept Neil’s photograph on his wall. According to the article, Neil let him know when “something was coming down.”[99*]
Silverado’s third largest borrower (Neil was on the Board), E. Trine Starnes, Jr., defaulted on $77.5 million in loans from the S&L, some of which went to the Contra arms and funding conduit the National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty, directed by Carl “Spitz” Channell, a close crony of Oliver North. Silverado was shut down soon after Bush became President, and the American taxpayers picked up the $1 billion tab.
By October of 1990, the S&L industry was losing money at the rate of $3 million a minute. The total cost was estimated at $325-500 billion. As President Bush commented, “The economy is headed in the right direction.”
Neil Bush would soon be back in the swindler’s circle through his west Florida Gulf Stream Realty land fraud company - a prelude to Bill Clinton’s Arkansas Whitewater land fraud scheme.
As Sherman Skolnick reports, Giorgio Pelossi, a prominent Swiss accountant and reputed cocaine bank money launderer for George Bush and two of his sons, was arrested in Chicago on January 20, 2000 after INS officials found he was wanted on an arrest warrant in Italy. Journalists in Spain wrote about Bush and two of his sons, George W. and Jeb, being reportedly implicated in billions of dollars of dope money laundered through banks in Spain, Italy, Mexico, and the U.S. The cocaine banking cartel, for which Pelossi reportedly was the brains, was centered in Milan and Barcelona. The Pelossi-Marcinkus-D’Onofrio ring reportedly, through the Vatican Bank and other financial institutions, trafficked in smuggled gold, osmium nuclear bomb triggers, high quality counterfeit foreign currencies, and other illicit goods and services. With the connivance of top officials of the IRS Chicago Regional office, Pelossi reportedly arranged the laundering of billions of dollars through concealed and dummy accounts, at the Harris Bank of Chicago, and their Foreign Exchange section, called ForEx, a unit of Bank of Montreal, and Republic National Bank of New York, for the Bushs.
On May 15, 1984 Bush visited Pakistani President Gen. Zia ul-Haq in Islamabad. Bush praised the alleged successes of Zia’s anti-drug program which, Bush stated, was a matter of great “personal interest” to him. Among those present at the banquet where Bush made these statements were, reportedly, several of the officials most responsible for Pakistan’s narcotics trafficking. Pakistan had been responsible for approximately 70 percent of the world’s heroin supply at the time. Most of the dope was managed by an elite military unit that protected the truck convoys of CIA arms to Afghanistan.
In August, 1986 Bush, working with Mexican officials, formally christened “Operation Alliance”, a new border enforcement initiative that followed on the heels of the South Florida Task Force. Bush was appointed chief of Operation Alliance, which involved 20 federal agencies, 500 federal officers, and a budget of $266 million. Bush even sought to obtain a cameo role for a brief appearance on the television series Miami Vice. As Tarpley and Chaitkin write:
“Bush had no intention of seriously pursuing such goals. For him, the war on drugs was a cruel hoax, a cynical exercise in demagogic self-promotion, designed in large part to camouflage activities by himself and his networks that promoted drug trafficking.”
In 1988, Congressman Glenn English stated that Bush’s war on drugs was “little more than lip service and press releases.”
CIA pilot Tosh Plumlee, who flew many drug flights, said he was provided with codes that allowed him to avoid drug interdiction planes. As Plumlee said: “I have seen interdiction planes turn away after we squawked our transponders, and let us into the country, [un]molested, and not have Customs waiting for us when we land.”
Bush’s final act as “anti-drug” czar would come in 1990 with the invasion of Panama known as “Operation Just Cause.” The ostensible excuse was to shut down President Manuel Noriega’s drug trafficking (an operation run with Bush and CIA complicity). The real reason was to remove Noriega, who had gotten “out of control,” threatening to nationalize Bush’s extensive family investments in that country, and replace him with officials more loyal to Bush and the Agency.[*]
On this pretext, the U.S. invaded the small sovereign country, killing thousands of people, mostly civilians. Twenty-six U.S. servicemen also lost their lives to protect Bush’s drug trafficking operation and the $350,000,000 worth of Bush financial investments, laundered through the Bush-connected Japanese Aoki Corporation with the help of brother Prescott. The puppets installed by Bush included President Gullermo Endura, head of a Panamanian bank used extensively by the Medellin Cartel, Vice President Gullermo Ford, part owner of Dadeland Bank of Florida, reportedly involved in drug money laundering, and Attorney General Rogello Cruz, allegedly a Cali drug Cartel boss.
As ex-CIA field officer John Stockwell noted: “[Bush] used to work with Noriega the drug-dealer. He has worked with a lot of other drug-dealers, in fact, but this one was screaming publicly.... In 1988, Noriega told Newsweek or a Newsweek interviewer that, quote: ‘I have George Bush by the balls!’ because he had the information on George Bush’s connections and ties and knowledge of drug smuggling. So Bush had to get rid of him!”[104*]
Frederick Kempe, a former Wall Street Journal diplomatic correspondent, wrote Divorcing the Dictator: America’s Bungled Affair with Noriega in 1990. This documents the Israeli connections with the CIA in the contra-cocaine program in Central America:
“Noriega, the new Comandante, made clear he was willing to be more cooperative than his predecessors. He was also feeling more heat for Panama’s role in laundering money for international drug traffickers, and he interpreted a George Bush visit in December 1983 as an appeal for more help for the Contras.... In Noriega’s mind, he thought Bush was saying that if Panama helped the Contras it could defuse criticism about money laundering. He passed this interpretation to a trusted adviser.”
Coincidentally, perhaps, in December 1983 the Israelis reportedly started using a CIA front company in Panama to start funneling support to the Contras. That company was IFMA Management Company, which had originally been created in 1969 in Panama as a conduit for CIA ‘black’ funds.
While Noriega now languishes in a U.S. prison, the amount of drug money laundered through Panamanian banks is two-thirds higher than it was prior to the invasion (which, at the time, was approximately 70 percent of the CIA’s drug take). For those Panamanians who survived Operation “Just Cause,” 60 percent now live in poverty, with 17 percent in extreme poverty, and 24 percent of the population suffers from malnutrition. According to Olga Mejia of the Panama Human Rights Commission: “Now you can find 1,000 children begging in central Panama City.”
The CIA/NSC/DoJ complicit smugglers and pilots who testified against Noriega, including pilot Floyd Carlton, Roberto Striedinger, and Ricardo Bilonick, were released or had their sentences greatly reduced. Carlton was paid several hundred thousand dollars by the “Justice” Department and given permanent U.S. residency.[*] Striedinger had his seized bank accounts returned, along with his 40-foot yacht, an airplane, his AK-47, Uzi and MAC-10 submachine guns and his Mercedes-Benz. Carlos Lehder was released from prison in 1996.
Noriega wasn’t the only person to be silenced in the wake of the Iran-Contra revelations. Floyd Carlton testified that he offered information to the DEA in Panama in July of 1987, which refused to take the information. Carlton had frequent contacts with the Medellin and Cali cartels, as well as taped phone conversations, documents and information about money laundering, drugs, weapons and assassinations. Instead of accepting the evidence, the “Justice” Department, as they would do with hundreds of other whistleblowers over the years, had Carlton arrested.
When the FBI raided the home of Senator Gary Hart’s presidential campaign manager Michael Boren Williams, “the first item that was seized was a file pertaining to my investigation of Bush’s ordering CIA Costa Rica Station Chief Joe Hernandes to blow up a commercial civilian airliner he thought to be carrying Senators [Gary] Hart and [William] Cohen to Managua, Nicaragua on an Iran-Contra fact-finding mission. (Oh, just for good measure, the Managua Airport was blown up, too).”
As Williams told this author: “[Cohen] was the co-author of a spy novel, along with Gary Hart. George Bush (the big daddy fascist, not the creep who the New World Order’s ordained as their next 4-year dictator) ordered the assassination of Hart and Cohen.... Fortunately for them, they took an earlier flight....”[108*]
As Tosh Plumlee told Rodney Stich: “We’ve lost a lot of people that’s been killed or assassinated or discredited because for whatever reasons, they were going to blow the whistle on current operations they were involved with. Elements within the agencies that are involved would definitely put hitmen out, if it was going to jeopardize their ongoing operation.”
As Chip Tatum, one of the alleged hitmen, says: “During the next few years, I would be tasked by Mr. Bush with the neutralization of a Mossad agent in 1988, an army Chief of Staff in 1989, the President of a third-world country in 1989, and the leader of a revolutionary force in Central America in 1991. [Mossad Agent] Ami Nir was killed in 1988. General Gustavo Alverez was killed in 1989. Enrique Bermudez, Contra leader and overseer of the cocaine kitchens, was killed in 1991.”
“We are not going to achieve a new world order without paying for it in blood as well as in words and money.”
- Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Foreign Affairs (July/August 1995)
“The world can therefore seize the opportunity (Persian Gulf crisis) to fulfill the long-held promise of a New World Order where diverse nations are drawn together in common cause to achieve the universal aspirations of mankind.”
- President George Herbert Walker Bush
In January of 1990, the U.S. Government under George Bush would again have the opportunity to demonstrate the “universal aspirations of mankind” when it attacked Iraqi forces in the Persian Gulf, driving them out of the oil-rich kingdom of Kuwait. President Bush immediately rallied to the cause of “freedom and democracy” for the tiny Arab sheikdom, where Iraqi forces were actively engaged in violating “the rights of the free world” by pillaging the populace and “pulling babies out of incubators.” Or so the White House and the State Department would have us believe.[*]
Thus, under the guise of creating a “New World Order,” the U.S., with George Bush as the helm, once again heeded the call to “defend the free world.”
In reality, Kuwait was little more than a feudal kingdom ruled by a few immensely wealthy royal families, where such “freedoms” included being stoned to death for adultery (for women that is), having your hand cut off for thievery, and being arrested for practicing any religion except Islam. It is a place that Amnesty International reported torture is routine, and where 111 people were executed in one year alone by beheading, 16 of whom were political prisoners.
So much for freedom and democracy.
What tiny Kuwait did have going for it was its vast oil reserves, whose ownership was in dispute with Iraq. Iraq’s Rumaila field, which dips into its disputed border with Kuwait, was being pumped for all its worth by the Kuwaitis—while Iraq, with the encouragement of both Kuwait and the U.S.—was fighting a bloody and costly war with Iran. The U.S. assisted Iraq in this endeavor by supplying them with detailed intelligence enabling their forces to bomb Iran’s oil terminals and power plants. As Jeffrey T. Richelson writes in The U.S. Intelligence Community:
“In 1984, when some feared that Iran might overrun Iraq, the United States began supplying Iraq with intelligence that reportedly enabled Iraq to calibrate mustard gas attacks on Iranian ground troops.”
At the same time as Kuwait was stealing oil from Iraq, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates, by exceeding their production quotas, were driving down the price of oil. Iraq, saddled with a $70 billion debt from its war with Iran, was losing billions of dollars in revenues.
Iraq’s demands were simple. They wanted payment for the oil taken from the Rumaila field (whose ownership had been in dispute ever since Britain had withdrawn from Kuwait), forgiveness of Kuwaiti loans during their war with Iran, and access to the Gulf ports for export of their oil. After negotiators failed to reach agreement over the thefts, the loans, and the access, Iraq invaded.
As in Vietnam, President Bush attacked this “naked aggression,” rallying to the cause of freedom: “America stands where it always has,” declared Bush (whose family made its fortune backing Adolf Hitler), “against aggression, against those who would use force to replace the rule of law.”
So spoke King George, who, only months earlier, had imposed illegal sanctions against Nicaragua to prevent free elections there—a continuation of his and Reagan’s covert bloody war against that sovereign nation. As a result, Bush became the only head of state publicly condemned by the World Court for the “unlawful use of force.”
Such a condemnation is hardly surprising, since barely two years earlier, Bush had invaded Panama to silence Manuel Noriega and install “democracy” in the U.S.-controlled banana republic.
Not to tarnish Bush’s reputation as a champion of human rights. Bush was CIA Director when Argentine secret police launched their “Dirty War” in 1976, resulting in the “elimination” of tens-of-thousands of political dissidents.
On September 21, 1976, a bomb ripped apart the car carrying former Chilean Foreign Minister Orlando Letelier and two American co-workers on Embassy Row in Washington, D.C.. Letelier and a woman, Ronni Moffitt, died in the blast.
Letelier was a staunch critic of Chile’s murderous military dictatorship under General Augusto Pinochet, a CIA puppet. Represtnative James Abourezk, a personal friend of Letelier’s, asked DCI Bush to commit the CIA to the search “to find the bastards who killed” Letelier. Bush appeared concerned and responded, “I’ll see what I can do. We are not without assets in Chile.”
As Robert Parry writes:
“The problem with Bush’s promise, however, was that some of the CIA’s top “assets” in Chile were implicated in the murder. According to U.S. intelligence sources, one of those CIA assets was Gen. Manuel Contreras, the head of the intelligence agency, DINA, and the architect of the Letelier assassination. The other trouble with Bush’s pledge was that the assassination had been carried out almost literally under the CIA’s nose—and Bush had little interest in exposing his own failings.... There was also the darker possibility that Bush’s CIA had granted DINA license to hunt down and neutralize a Chilean dissident on American soil.”
Bush was also CIA director when Indonesian General Suharto, with support from President Gerald Ford and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, invaded the small island nation of East Timor. Suharto had come to power in 1965, during a U.S.-backed genocidal coup that resulted in over a million deaths. By comparison, Suharto’s invasion of East Timor merely resulted in a quarter-of-a-million deaths. According to the Australia East Timor Association:
“The atrocities of the Indonesian Military Junta are absolutely barbaric, torturing and killing thousands. Even women have been killed very slowly by stabbings.... Hundreds have been burnt to death.... Indonesian soldiers took hold of the legs of little children and threw them around in the air a number of times and smashed their tiny heads and bodies against a rock. A women asked that one of the children be given to her after it’s mother had been stripped naked and killed, but the soldier grabbed the child and killed it [instead]...”
The Timorese massacres would continue with George Bush in the White House, as the Timor Gap Treaty was signed, giving Indonesian and Australian mining companies authority to begin joint oil exploration with major oil companies—resulting in a new wave of genocidal terror—all the while revealing the real reason behind U.S.-backed policies.[119*]
Ramos Horta, special representative of the National Council of Maubere Resistance, described how President Ford and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger visited Suharto shortly before the invasion and gave him the green light to invade, while assuring the benevolent tyrant that his supply of American weapons wouldn’t be affected. Kissinger told reporters at the time that “the United States understands Indonesia’s position.”[*]*
Fifteen years later, George Bush would give his own green light to Saddam Hussein. On July 25, 1990, with Iraqi troops massed along the border, U.S. Ambassador to Iraq April Glaspie met with Hussein and informed him that the U.S. had “no opinion” on Iraq-Kuwait border disputes. When Glaspie asked Hussein what his intentions were, he replied that Kuwait’s actions amounted to “an economic war” and “military action against us.” Hussein said he hoped for a peaceful solution, but if not, he said, “it will be natural that Iraq will not accept death...”[*]
As former CIA officer Phillip Agee notes, “A clearer statement of his intentions would be hard to imagine.”
“Glaspie gave no warning from Bush or Secretary of State [James] Baker that the U.S. would oppose an Iraqi takeover of Kuwait. On the contrary she said, “I have direct instructions from the President to seek better relations with Iraq.” On the same day Assistant Secretary of State Kelly killed a planned Voice of America broadcast that would have warned Iraq that the U.S. was “strongly committed” to the defense of its friends in the Gulf, which included, of course, Kuwait. During the week between the Ambassador’s meeting with Hussein and the invasion, the Bush administration forbade any warning to Hussein against invasion... Assistant Secretary Kelly, two days before the invasion, again testified publicly before Congress to the effect that the U.S. had no commitment to defend Kuwait.”
While Bush was publicly condemning Iraq for its invasion of Kuwait on the one hand, he was secretly pursuing a policy of encouraging it on the other. “Big countries cannot invade small neighbors and get away with it,” Bush sanctimoniously announced to the world. Il Sabato, a Catholic weekly in Rome, noting Bush’s shameful hypocrisy, wrote that Bush is the “surly master of the world,” who deserves “the Nobel War Prize” for ignoring opportunities for peace in the Gulf. Bush “had the very concrete possibility of a just peace and he chose war.”
While conspicuously avoiding all opportunities for a peaceful settlement, Bush arrogantly insisted that Iraq’s capacity for aggression be eliminated—a curious position considering that the U.S. had shared intelligence with Iraq right up to the start of the war, and Bush had encouraged Iraq’s bloody ten-year war with Iran as a bulwark against what he perceived as that state’s (and Israel’s) aggressive tendencies (Bush’s “Level Playing Field Doctrine”).
What was not mentioned however was the CIA’s role just a decade earlier in fomenting Kurdish rebellion inside Iraq, with arms supplied by the CIA’s good friend the Shah of Iran. That rebellion led to Iraq’s loss of the Shat al Arab, Iraq’s only access to Basra, its upriver port, and ultimately led to Iraq’s invasion of Iran which cost nearly a million lives.
All the while, the U.S. was building up huge military installations in Saudi Arabia in anticipation of a Gulf War scenario, one that had been gamed-out in Pentagon war rooms. It was easy to anticipate such a scenario, since Bush, like his father before him, had illegally armed Iraq with both conventional and biological weapons, paid for by U.S. taxpayers.
According to a 1995 deposition by Reagan national security aide Howard Teicher, CIA Deputy Director Robert Gates was part of a secret operation in the 1980s to funnel sophisticated military equipment to Iraqi Dictator Saddam Hussein via Carlos Cardoen, a Chilean arms dealer with close ties to the murderous General Pinochet. “Under CIA director Casey and Deputy Director Gates, the CIA authorized, approved and assisted Cardoen in the manufacture and sale of cluster bombs and other munitions to Iraq,” Teicher wrote in the affidavit submitted as part of an arms-smuggling case in federal court.
Some of those weapons passed through Customs disguised as agricultural loans funded by the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL, which was connected to the CIA’s BCCI: “Bank of Crooks and Criminals International”), and approved by the Department of Agriculture’s Commodity Credit Corporation.[124*]
Of course, not all these technological transfers were so open. Iraqi arms dealer Ishan Barbouti, who, with the help of Richard Secord (of Iran-Contra fame) and Wackenhut Security (an FBI/CIA/DoD proprietary), was secretly siphoning off huge quantities of cyanide from Product Ingredient Technologies, a food flavoring plant in Florida, which was subsequently shipped to Iraq to be used in Hussein’s chemical weapons production (Cyanide is a necessary ingredient in the development of nerve gas). Barbouti was also friends with Hussein’s brother-in-law—Hussein Kamil, who directed the flow of over $2 billion in BNL commercial loans to various high-profile Iraqi weapons projects.” Many of the biologicals sold to Iraq had the blessing of both President Bush and Secretary of State James Baker—both oil men. It is rumored that both men made a substantial amount of money from these deals, as did much of the U.S. military-industrial establishment.[*]
But “smart bombs” and bullets weren’t the only killers of this Mid-East holocaust. Approximately 20 to 25 percent of the inhabitants of the Persian Gulf are now afflicted with Gulf War Syndrome (GWI), a deadly disease that has claimed 250,000 lives in Iraq alone, with another million sick, including those of other Gulf states. According to Dr. Nancy Nicholson of the Rhodon Foundation for Biomedical Research and her husband, Dr. Garth Nicholson, one of the most highly regarded scientists in biomedical research, more babies are being born deformed in Iraq than are being born normal.
This debilitating man-made disease has also claimed approximately 15,000 American lives (as of 1997), with another 100,000 to 200,000 veterans severely ill. This doesn’t include family members, friends and associates who are sick, disabled, or dead as a result of being infected with this highly communicable disease. (Unlike AIDS, GWI can reportedly be spread not only through sex, but by casual contact, through perspiration, or by being close to someone who coughs.) It is estimated that over 50,000 National Guardsmen who served in the Gulf have reported illnesses.
According to the British Gulf War Veterans Association, over 1,233 British veterans have died so far and thousands more are sick—17 percent of those committing suicide due to lack of treatment and intolerable pain levels. Thousands of babies have been born to vets with horrible deformities—missing limbs, eyes, and ears, and incomplete or missing organs.
While the origins of GWI stem mainly from Iraqi biologicals launched from SCUDs and fall-out from destroyed Iraqi chemical depots, the effects—which include fatigue, vomiting, weight loss, joint pains, headaches, sleeplessness, memory loss, paralysis, tumors, and not least of all, death—were exacerbated by dangerous and experimental drugs administered to U.S. troops by the DoD. A Senate committee that surveyed 150 veterans discovered they were ordered, under threat of Article 15 or court martial, not to discuss their vaccinations with anyone, not even with doctors who were attempting to treat their adverse reactions.[126*]
Court records uncovered by Sherman Skolnick also reveal that Bush and Hussein engaged in private oil deals involving the splitting of $250 billion worth of oil profit kickbacks.[*] As Skolnick reports:
“The records demonstrate private transactions involving $250 billion in oil money kickbacks from the entire Gulf region paid to Saddam Hussein. The Federal Reserve Board wanted Congressman [Henry] Gonzales (D-TX) to agree to never use these records in any of his congressional reports. He was only allowed to look at the records. But the Congressman refused to sign the secrecy oath that the Fed demanded.
“Following the May 19 hearing I told the attorneys that I had heard what the records were about. I spelled out these huge private transactions between Bush and Saddam.... One of the lawyers said, “Well, that’s true. I want you to know that what is involved here are non-bank records that the ‘Justice’ Department [doesn’t want released].”...
“Saddam got kickbacks to the tune of $250 billion arranged by George Bush and oil companies such as Penzoil which are connected to Bush [one of the heads of Penzoil]....”[*]
According to Skolnick, the “Justice” Department used an investigation of a Court of Appeals Judge in order to blackmail the judge not to release the information. Representative Gonzales’ investigation was sabotaged by people on his own committee. After BCCI’s records were seized by the Reagan/Bush “Justice” Department, Gonzales tried, via congressional subpoena, to acquire them. Judge Brian Duff, who has connections with the Federal Reserve, impounded the records and chased Gonazles’ attorney out of court. As Skolnick writes:
“On the Senate side the investigation is also being hampered. On June 13 the Wall Street Journal pointed out that Senator John Kerry (D-MS) who is investigating BCCI became chairman of the Democratic Senate Campaign Committee which received large contributions from BCCI.”[*]
In fact, Bush had a long-standing policy of supporting the Iraqi dictator. In 1987, Bush pressured the federal Export Import bank to give hundreds of millions in loans to Iraq. In a manner similar to what President Bill Clinton (and Bush) would do with Communist China, Bush had met with Iraqi ambassador Nizar Hamdoon to assure him that Hussein could import more dual-use technology.
At least $1 billion in military aid, disguised as Agriculture commodity loans, were funneled to Iraq through BNL. Under Bush’s Presidential Security Directive NSD 26, he overrode other government agency concerns about lending money to Saddam Hussein. In October of 1989, Secretary of State James Baker III intervened with Agriculture Department Secretary Clayton Yeutter to drop Agriculture’s opposition to the $1 billion in food credits for Hussein. This was a man who bragged in the spring of 1990 that he possessed enough chemical weapons to “burn half of Israel,” and attacked his own Kurdish population with poison gas, murdering thousands of men, women and children.
As late as July of 1990, the NSC pushed for the second installment of the $1 billion package despite evidence that Iraq was using the money for its ballistic missile program and other weapons. As Congressman Gonzalez stated in a July 27 speech: “The Bush administration sent U.S. technology to the Iraqi military and to many Iraqi military factories, despite overwhelming evidence showing that Iraq intended to use the technology in its clandestine nuclear, chemical, biological, and long-range missile programs.”
Yet by June of 1990, George Bush, Jr. sold his stock in Harken Energy, which had exclusive oil drilling rights with the island of Bahrain off the coast of Saudi Arabia. (Bush had been rescued by Harken in 1986 when Bush’s Specturm 7 Energy Corporation was in financial trouble. Harken made “Jr.” a director, and he and his partners were given more than $2 million in stock, while George received another $600,000 in stock as a “consultant,” not including his lucrative salary.) The Bahrain deal was brokered by David Edwards, a close pal of Bill Clinton’s and a former employee of the shady Arkansas-based bond brokerage house Stephens Inc.
Industry analysts were amazed that such a small, unknown company won such a lucrative contract. Research by the Observer reveals, unsurprisingly, that Harken has links to institutions that are involved in drug smuggling, foreign currency manipulation and the CIA. (In 1987, Jackson Stephens of Stephens, Inc. would arrange a $25 million cash infusion to George Jr’s Harken through Switzerland’s Union Bank—both tied to the notorious scandal-ridden BCCI. Stephens was a large doner to both the Reagan/Bush ticket and to Bill Clinton’s presidential campaign. Stephens’ wife Mary Anne managed George Herbert Walker Bush’s 1988 presidential campaign in Arkansas.) As his pals at Enron would later do, George Jr. successfully dumped his Harken stock for $848,560—a nice 200 percent profit—just in time for Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, conveniently forgetting to notify the Securities and Exchange Commission as required by law.[130*]
Illegal-insider-trader-Jr. avoided prosecution, thanks to some well-connected lawyers and Daddy-Bush-the-President who pulled the appropriate SEC strings. This, as Enron employees lost their pensions (or were “suicided”) as a result of illegal insider stock sales—another company directly connected to the Bushes.
As Iran-Contra insider Al Martin told journalist Uri Dowbenko, “Harken was one of those deals that was a combination fraud as well as a manipulation. There’s different types of fraud when you get into securities. When George Jr. was put in charge of Harken Energy by his father, he essentially took it down the tubes. You have to realize that every business that George Jr. has ever had has failed. That’s the man’s business record.
“George Bush, Sr. and James Baker and Senator Tower would heavily short Harken stock. I have a list of everybody because I was one of them but to a much smaller extent. Harken stock was trading at 7-3/4 or 8, when George Jr, was put in charge of it. A year later, the stock was trading at 1-1/8 bid, 3/8 offer. They pumped the stock back up through a lot of bogus press releases and by using essentially worthless leases in Bahrain and essentially worthless South American oil leases and through sympathetic geologists making them appear to be really worth something and making it appear that Harken’s about to make a strike when in fact it’s all made up. It’s all fictitious. And through carefully crafted broker releases and broker statements and press releases, you can pump the stock back up. This has happened sixteen times to my knowledge. Harken would get pumped back up from the dead, from say a buck, buck and a half, back to seven, seven and a half, then it would get dumped again. Originally George Jr. had control of the company. He stayed on the board.
“You have to look at the entire Bush Family in this context—as if the entire family ran a corporation called ‘Frauds-R-Us.’ Each member of the family, George Sr., George Jr., Neil, Jeb, Prescott, Wally, etc., have their own specialty of fraud.
“George Jr.’s specialty was insurance and security fraud. Jeb’s specialty was oil and gas fraud. Neil’s specialty was real estate fraud. Prescott’s specialty was banking fraud. Wally’s specialty was securities fraud. And George Bush Sr’s specialty? All of the above.”
According to the National Journal, 43 percent of President George Bush Jr.’s top 300 appointees had worked for Bush Sr.
But Iraq wasn’t the only “enemy” doing business with the Bush family. George Bush’s brother Prescott was a consultant to Asset Management International Financing & Settlement, a New York firm with a contract to provide communications for 2,000 professional and university offices in China. After the Tienaman Square massacre of pro-democracy demonstrators in June of 1989, Bush publicly expressed his outrage, while quietly sending National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft to China to make sure the Bush family assets were secure. Asset Management likewise enlisted Prescott’s help after his father imposed economic sanctions against China (which he would later lift for Hughes Aircraft). For this Prescott received a handsome $250,000 consulting fee from Asset Management.
Prescott would go on to broker a deal between Asset Management and West Tsusho, a Tokyo-based investment firm linked to the Japansese mob—the Yakuza, for which he received a $250,000 finder’s fee and a $250,000 yearly “consultant” retainer. Unfortunately West Tsusho filed a $2.5 million lawsuit against Prescott claiming that he reneged on his promise to protect the firm’s $5 million investment.
Like his brother George, Prescott would play his own role in illegal covert activities, as a spy for the Reagan/Bush presidential campaign against President Jimmy Carter. A September 3, 1980 letter from Prescott to James Baker (soon to become Secretary of State) offers his help in monitoring the activities of the Carter White House in their efforts to obtain the release of the American hostages being held in Iran. As the letter states:
“Herb Cohen—the guy that offered help on the Iranian hostage situation—called me yesterday afternoon. Herb has a couple of reliable sources on the National Security Council, about whom the [Carter] administration does not know, who can keep him posted on developments....”
The Reagan/Bush plan to delay the release of the hostages until after the defeat of Jimmy Carter came to be known as “October Surprise.” (See Chapter XX) With George Bush’s tenure in the White House now secure, Prescott would help his brother funnel illegal aid to the Contras through his position on Americares’ board, the U.S.-based “relief” organization with ties to prominent right-wing Republicans and the CIA.
The late J. Peter Grace, chair of AmeriCares from 1982 to 1995, was a key participant in Project Paperclip, a covert operation which recruited Nazi scientists to work in the U.S. after World War II. Many of those Nazis had been found guilty of experimentation on humans. Grace also played a prominent role in organizing the fascist coup that overthrew the popular democratically elected government of Salvador Allende in Chile. Comfortingly, AmeriCares presents itself as the “humanitarian arm of Corporate America.”
Americares also provided an undisclosed $680,000 to the Nicaraguan Miskito Indian guerrillas, and $91,383 in food and medicine (and $5,750 cash) to Mario Calero, the New Orleans-based quartermaster for the Contras.
Bush, Sr’s wife, Barbara, is AmeriCares Ambassador-at-Large. Former Carter National Security Advisor and CFR member Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski is its Honorary Chairman.
The Miami link to the Contras would come through George Bush’s son Jeb, who acted as one key liason between the Contras and then-Vice President Bush—helping to set up an arms pipeline through friendly contacts in Guatemala. That contact, a right-wing politician named Dr. Mario Castejon, would have his CIA funding proposals hand-delivered to Ted Shackley himself.
The military-industrial complex was apprehensive as the 1990s dawned with the break-up of the Soviet Union and a consequential peace dividend. With their continuing shady arms deals in Central America, and with Bush’s Gulf War, the establishment no longer had to worry. “The war itself has done the most to stir interest in the acquisition of high-tech weapons,” stated the New York Times.
Ironically, 28 American soldiers killed by Iraqi SCUD missiles during the Gulf War came from Pennsylvania, where Greenburg-Latrobe had manufactured parts for those very weapons. SCUD launchers were manufactured in Connecticut, with other manufacturers being scattered throughout the country. As Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Peter Mantius wrote in Shell Game, following the war, “President Bush [used] the vast power of his office... to stall [Congressional] probes long enough for the American companies that supplied Iraq to blend quietly into the crowd.” Some of companies were tied to Brown Brothers-Harriman Bank, managed by Bush’s father, the late Senator Prescott Bush, who, as discussed earlier, had not only financed Adolph Hitler, but had armed the Nazis during the war in violation of the Trading with the Enemy Act.
Ironically, Bush would later compare Saddam Hussein, his own former business partner, to Hitler, while condemning the Iraqi dictator for invading Kuwait and attacking the Kurds. At the same time, Bush’s friend, Turkish president Turgut Ozal (who was former director of the International Monetary Fund) was murdering his own Kurdish population by the thousands. Turkish-occupied Kurdistan resembled El Salvador during the 1980s, with imprisonment, torture, and mass-murder commonplace. At least 22,000 have died since the PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party) struggle against Turkey which began in 1984. But the government-controlled press wasn’t allowed to focus on that slaughter because Turkey was a client state of the U.S.
In speaking about the so-called atrocities committed by Hussein, Bush stated: “No one can see the pictures or hear the accounts of this human suffering, men, women, and most painfully of all, innocent children, and not be deeply moved.... we must do everything in our power to save innocent life, and this is the American tradition and we will continue to live up to that tradition.”
This “American tradition” employed by Bush and his murdering minions like General Collin Powell (later to become Secretary of State) and “Stormin’ Norman” Schwarzkopf, amounted to the unleashing of more bombs on both the military and the civilian population of Iraq than was dropped by the Allies during WWII; by burying thousands of Iraqi soldiers alive in their trenches with tanks equipped with plows; by openly machine-gunning thousands of unarmed surrendering troops; and by imposing severe economic sanctions on a civilian population, at least a million of whom—mostly children—have died as a result of malnutrition and disease. The Wall Street Journal quoted UN sources as saying that at least 560,000 Iraqi children have died since the war ended in 1991. That was in 1995.
“The foreign editor of Brazil’s major daily wrote that “What is being practiced in the Gulf is pure barbarism—ironically, committed in the name of civilization....”
“George Bush, he’s bad on drugs, he’s sick mentally and physically,
if he was a dog he’d be shot. He’s a scumbag. That’s why he won’t be re-elected. He’s not morally, physically or mentally fit to be President.”
- Christopher Hitchens, columnist for The Nation,
Washington Editor for Harpers
These activities are just a sampling of the Bush family endeavors. What can one say about a man who makes brutal war on a soverign country, killing thousands, just to protect his own drug trade? Or murders a million innocent children in another country through war (read slaughter), starvation and disease to protect his and his cronies’ oil interests? Or participate in perverted sexual activities with prostituted children? Or illegally smuggle tons of narcotics into the United States while publicly declaring to be “anti-drug”—releasing major drug traffickers while ordinary people possessing a little marijuana are sentenced to long jail terms? Such a man could only be considered the most evil of creatures—on a scale rivaling that of a Hitler.[*]
While George Bush slaughtered hapless millions in Iraq through war, starvation and disease (not to mention the devastation he caused in Panama, Central America and at home), President Clinton would be all too happy to take up the slack—bombing Baghdad with cruise missiles (killing 8 innocent civilians) to punish Saddam Hussein for an alleged assassination plot against Bush.
It is only too bad the plotters didn’t succeed.
[*] Approximately 19 U.S. presidents descended from royal bloodlines. As researcher Brian Downing Quig writes: “John Galt (a pen name of a researcher fearing to be identified), in an unpublished manuscript (now in my possession), The Genealogy of the New World Order, has traced the royal ancestry of George Bush, which traces from Charlemagne and Alfred the Great, all the way down through George Bush’s 32 presidential cousins!”
[*] There have been three S&B Presidents; at least ten Senators; two Chief Justices of the Supreme Court and many U.S. representatives and state governors. “Bonesmen” have held a myriad of lesser appointed posts and positions, with a particular affinity for Secretary of War/Defense; diplomatic posts to Europe, Russia, China and the Philippines; and in the national security state/intelligence apparatus. Some examples of Bonesmen: Time-Life publisher Henry Luce, New York Times General Manager Amory H. Bradford, CIA officers William F. Buckley, William P. Bundy, McGeorge Bundy, and Richard Bissel, Senator and David Bowen, Chairman of the Senate Intelligence Oversight Committee. Other members include: Lord (1635, Cambridge, Mass), Phelps (1630, Dorchester, Mass), Whitney (1635, Watertown, Mass), Perkins (1631, Boston, Mass), Stimson (1635, Watertown, Mass), Wadsworth (1632, Newtown, Mass), Gilman (1638, Hingham, Mass), Payne (Standard Oil), Davison (JP Morgan), Pillsbury (Flour Milling), Sloane (Retail), Weyerhaeuser (Lumber), Harriman (Railroads) and Rockefeller (Standard Oil).
. Antony C. Sutton, America’s Secret Establishment: An Introduction to the Order of Skull and Bones (Billings, MT: Liberty House Press), quoted in “‘The Skulls’ - Insider Secrets Of The New World Orderlies,” review by Uri Dowbenko, 4/5/00.
[*] Of course the Federal Reserve is not federal, but merely a consortium of private central banks. With profits exceeding 150 billion per year, no corporation in the world comes anywhere close. Interestingly, if the profits of the Federal Reserve were compounded from its inception, a sum roughly equivalent to the national debt results. Wall Street interests originally “fought” this bill while all along they were its authors.
. “The Boodle Boys,” RA Kris Millegan, 1999, courtesy of Newshawk, 3/16/99. Millegan’s father entered was an OSS agent and G-2. During the early 19502 he was the CIA’s Branch Chief, Head of East Asia Intelligence Analyst Office.
[*] The shipping manifests from those days have survived intact to make this claim solid.
. Antony C. Sutton, America’s Secret Establishment: An Introduction to the Order of Skull and Bones (Billings, MT: Liberty House Press), quoted in “‘The Skulls’ - Insider Secrets Of The New World Orderlies,” Review By Uri Dowbenko, 4/5/00.
. Max Warburg, who had been the Kaiser’s banker, was not exiled with him to Holland after the 1918 Armistice, but instead became the advisor to the latter government under the Nazis. Paul Warburg of the Wall Street investment house Kuhn, Loeb Company had also participated in the drafting of the Federal Reserve Act at Jekyll Island, and headed the U.S. banking system during the war. Warburg was Rockefeller’s partner in banking at the same time his brother Max was financing the Nazi war machine. Another principal Rockefeller partner, Jacob Schiff of Kuhn, Loeb, had been born in the Rothschild house in Frankfurt and was now the principal Rothschild representative in the U.S.
[*] Contrary to popular opinion, Jews like the Rothschilds aren’t really Jewish, having forsaken their birthright and converted in order to move freely within the gentile business world. In Yiddish such Jews are known as “Hofjudn.”
. Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin, George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography. (Washington, DC, Executive Intelligence Review, 1992); Bowen, Op. Cit., p. 10.
[*] “During the war, that Trust produced a massive 50.8% of Nazi Germany’s pig iron, 45.5% of their pipes and tubes, 22.1% of their wire, and 35% of their battlefield explosives. At the time, this information stunned the American public, and revealed the Bush family’s central role in financing and arming Adolf Hitler for his domination of Europe. But since then, the media has virtually buried all such reports.” (Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin, George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography. (Washington, DC, Executive Intelligence Review, 1992.)
. John Loftus and Mark Aarons, The Secret War Against The Jews: How Western Espionage Betrayed The Jewish People (New York, NY: St. Martin’s Press, 1994.), quoted in Tarpley and Chaitkin, pp. 357-361 2. Ibid., pp. 362-364.
. A 1934 congressional investigation alleged that Walker’s Hamburg-Amerika Line subsidized a wide range of pro-Nazi propaganda efforts both in Germany and the United States.
. Tarpley and Chaitkin, Op Cit.
. Gyeorgos C. Hatonn, Rape of The Constitution; Death of Freedom.
[*] As Lieutenant Colonel Bo Gritz writes in his book, Called to Serve, the man who wrote the Warren Commission report “was Dr. Rudolph August “Otto” Winnaker, who was described in “Who’s Who in the CIA” as an analyst for the wartime OSS, historian in the U.S. War Department from 1945-49, and then Chief of the Historical Division of the Pentagon. What is not listed is that Dr. Winnaker was once of 26 official historians for Hitler’s Third Reich!” Quite fitting.
. Christopher Simpson, Blowback: America’s Recruitment of Nazi’s and Its Effect on the Cold War (New York, NY: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1988.)
. Russell S. Bowen, The Immaculate Deception: The Bush Crime Family Exposed (Carson City, NV: America West Publishers, 1991), p. 2.
. Ibid., p. 12.
. John Loftus and Mark Aarons, The Secret War Against The Jews: How Western Espionage Betrayed The Jewish People (New York, NY: St. Martin’s Press, 1994.), quoted in Tarpley and Chaitkin, pp. 357-361 2. Ibid., pp. 362-364.
. George Bush with Victor Gold, Looking Forward (New York, NY: Doubleday, 1987), pp. 36-39, quoted in Bowen, Op. Cit., pp. 15-16.
. Dallas Morning News, 9/28/99; Dallas Morning News, 10/30/99.
. The Boston Globe, 5/23/00.
. Martin Heldt, “Isikoff manages to make gone with 9 of the 12 months G.W. Bush was missing from Air Guard duty,” On-Line Journal, 7/13/00.
. Linda L. Starr and Bev Conove, “Former National Guard officer says Bush aide scrubbed military records,” On-Line Journal, 11/4/00. “This effort was further involved by General Daniel James and Chief of Staff William W. Goodwin at Camp Mabry,” said Burkett.
. “Texas National Air Guard grounded George W. for failure to take medical exam,” On-Line Journal, 2/7/00.
. According to Patricia Kilday Hart’s article on Dubya, he came under attack in the University Daily, a Texas Tech newspaper, for promising free beer at a campaign rally. Linda Starr, “Despite Yale diploma, George W. was rejected by U of Texas Law School,” 10/12/99, cited in On-Line Journal.
. The Heritage Groups Council was also tied to Richard Nixon.
. Loftus and Aarons, Op. Cit., pp. 365-371.
. San Francisco Chronicle, 5/7/77, quoted in Bowen, pp. 30-31.
. Stich, Op. Cit., p. 28. Parker was a Marine Colonel assigned to Naval Intelligence.
[*] According to Bush’s account, Nixon told him that “the place I really need you is over at the National Committee running things.” In 1972, Nixon appointed Bush as head of the Republican National Committee. He later appointed Bush Ambassador to China.
. Ibid., p. 32.
. Ibid., pp.35-36; The memo addressed the possible reaction of Cubans in Miami who might have believed Fidel Castro was responsible for the plot.” (Harry V. Martin, “French Connection, The Smoking Gun If Bush went to Paris, the French and U.S. have documents to prove it,” Napa Sentinel, 1991 Sixth in a Series.)
. Anthony L. Kimery, “George Bush and the CIA: In the Company of Friends,” Covert Action Quaterly, Summer, 1992.
[*] When he was found riddled with bullet holes fired by Colombian drug cartel hitmen, drug-smuggler Barry Seal would have George Bush’s telephone number in his pocket.
. Uri Dowbenko, “Up Against the Beast,” Nexus magazine, April-May, 2000.
[*] This author met with Carone’s daughter, Dee Ferdinand, and was presented with her revealing depositions, plus a number of her fathers affidavits. In fact, a national radio interview I did with Dee Ferdinand caused Ted Shackley to go ballistic.
. Kimery, Op. Cit.
[*] Bush would play another role in domestic counter-intelligence. In 1962, Bush’s father Prescott, along with William Casey, founded the National Strategy Information Center, a right-wing think-tank which used CIA funds to publish anti-left tracts.
. “Reputed Cocaine Bank Money Laundry Wizard for George Bush Family Arrested,” Skolnick Report, 1/28/00. Sherman Skolnick founded the Chicago-based Citizens’ Committee to Clean Up the Courts in 1961. He is an expert in tracking money flows.
. Cathy O’Brien & Mark Phillips, Trance Formation of America, pp. 196-197.
. Confidential interview with author. The Colonel told his wife about having sex with Bush and wrote about it in his diary. He was one of Oliver North’s bosses.
[*] Casey had also been a friend of Bush’s father, Prescott.
[*] King is now serving a 15-year federal prison sentence for fraud.
. John DeCamp, The Franklin Cover-Up: Child Abuse, Satanism and Murder in Nebraska (Lincoln, Nebraska: AWT, Inc., 1992), p. 164.
. “Homosexual Prostitution Probe Ensnares Official of Bush, Reagan: Call Boys Took Midnight Tour of White House.,” Washington Times , 6/29/89, quoted in: Webster G. Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin write in George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography (Washington, DC: EIR,
. John Lichfield, “White House ‘Great Gatsby’ Lands in a New York Jail Cell,” The Independent (UK), 8/10/89; John Lichfield, “White House Midnight Rambler Found Dead,” The Independent, 11/13/89; John Mintz, Martha Sherill and Elsa Walsh “The Shadow World of Craig Spence,” Washington Post, 7/18/89.
[*] FBI Agent Donald Rochon, in a lawsuit against the Bureau filed in 1989, states that he had observed Special Agent Dillon “French kissing” SA Agent Terry Bohle and had “personally witnessed” Dillon “exposing himself in the Omaha office during a regular work day to numerous employees, both male and female.” Rochon also heard reports, substantiated by another agent, that Dillon had allowed Bohle to urinate in his mouth and to “urinate into a beer bottle [from] which he subsequently drank.” For his part, Dillon said that the urinating in his mouth was an “accident.” (John DeCamp, The Franklin Cover-Up: Chile Abuse, Satanism and Murder in Nebraska [Lincoln, NE: AWT, 1996], pp. 198-199.)
. Ibid., p. 250.
[*] Witnesses saw explosions in the air. Naturally, the NTSB covered it up, as they would do in numerous other cases.
. King was appointed to the Reagan/Bush re-election committee by National Republican Council Chairperson LeFree Daniels.
[*] Some of the allegations involving the CIA’s mind-control “Monarch Project,” involving children, were confirmed by DeCamp’s long-time friend William Colby, former Director of the CIA, who wound up dead shortly after the publication of DeCamp’s book.
. DeCamp, Op. Cit., p. 322.
. Ibid., p. 12.
. Omaha World-Herald, 7/23/89.
. Gentleman’s Quarterly, December 1991.
. Peter Sawyer, “The Original Allegations: Bush First Named in 1985,’’ Inside News, November, 1991, quoted in Tarpley and Chaitkin. “The newsletter reproduces several documents on Lisa’s case, including a Nebraska State Police report, a State of Nebraska Foster Care Review Board letter to the Attorney General, an investigative report prepared for the Franklin Committee of the Nebraska Senate, and a portion of the handwritten debriefing by Mrs. Julie Walters.”
. Report, by Julie Walters, 3/25/86; authenticated by her in an interview in 1990 with authors Tarpley and Chaitkin.
. Report, early 1989, compiled by Jerry Lowe, the first investigator for the Franklin Committee of the Nebraska State Senate, quoted in Tarpley and Chaitkin. “The March 1986 report on Bush was incorporated into the Foster Care Review Board’s official report presented to the Senate Franklin Committee and to law enforcement.”
. “Department of the Treasury, United States Customs Service, Report of Investigation, Subject: ‘Finders,” 2/12/87, copy in author’s possession.
[*] Italics mine.
. “Department of the Treasury, United States Customs Service, Report of Investigation, Subject: ‘Finders,” 2/12/87, copy in author’s possession. Italics mine.
[*] Revell would later sue this author, my publisher, Feral House, and several other parties for libel in federal court for what I wrote about him regarding his involvement in Pan Am 103 in my book, The Oklahoma City Bombing and the Politics of Terror. A federal judge ruled in our favor. Revell also sued the Columbia Journalsm Review over the same matter.
. According to Aquino, Set visited him in 1975 and anointed him “Magus V of the Age of Set,” thereby terminating LaVey’s “Age of Satan.” To spruce himself up for the role, Aquino plucked his eyebrows, had the number “666” tattooed on his scalp, and cut his hair into a severe widow’s peak. He christened his wife Lilith as “Magistra” in the new Temple of Set.
. David Hoffman, “Do What Thou Wilt, Satanism and The Temple of Set,” Haight Ashbury Free Press, September-October, 1995. Why do people join satanic groups? Sociologist Gini Graham Scott, who studied the group in the early 1980s and published her findings in a book titled The Magicians, described the average member as people frustrated with everyday problems who are led to want power. Scott ended by concluding that the Setians contributed, via their philosophy, to a “growing climate of fear and hatred in America,” a position which Acquino virulently denies, terming Satan[ism] “a champion of anti-hypocrisy - a crusader against the corruption and moral bankruptcy of society.” Such philosophies have sometimes led to brutal and bizarre deaths at the hands of disturbed teenagers eager to experiment with the occult. Said LaVey, the Heavy Metal kids who talk about Satan are usually not affiliated with either organization. “They make the sign of the horns at concerts,” “and they don’t know why they are doing it. But it’s good that they’re doing it.” (Raising Hell, Michael Newton, Avon Books, 1993) According to spokespersons, neither The Church of Satan nor The Temple of Set have ever practiced human or animal sacrifice. Anton LaVey once said, “I will have no mercy on people who are cruel to animals.” The use of magick, however, to harm ones enemies, is acceptable in these organizations. When Jane Mansfield died in a car accident, LaVey said it was because she had asked him to put a curse on her boyfriend. He did, it worked, and Jane unfortunately just happened to be in the car. When busybody neighbors made authorities evict LaVey’s pet lion, Tagore, LaVey put a curse on them. Before long, most of the culprits had died, disappeared or moved away.
. Ibid., pp. 326-327.
. Giovanni Caporaso and Massimilino Cocozza Lubisco, Pronto (Barcelona, Spain), 8/3/91 and 8/10/91.
. DeCamp, Op. Cit., p. 188.
. Ibid., p. 182.
. Ibid., p. 195.
. Ibid., p. 196.
[*] This is a pattern that would be repeated by the FBI and the “Justice” Department at the Oklahoma City bombing trials. A tearful Daina Bradley—a bombing witness and victim—would be coerced into changing her story about her sighting of John Doe Two, a federal government agent, at the scene of the crime.
. Ibid., p. 195.
. Ibid., pp. 210-211.
. Ibid., pp. 250-251.
. Stich, Op. Cit., p. 442; Former NYPD Detective Jim Rothstein, interview with author.
. DeCamp, Op. Cit., p. 175.
[*] Emphasis mine.
. DeCamp, Op. Cit., p. 240, pp. 322-323.
. Bo Gritz, Called to Serve (Sandy Valley, NV: Lazarus Publishing, 1991), p. 403.
. Stich, Op. Cit., pp. 23-28. Stich’s sources are all former CIA operatives: Trenton Parker, Gunther Russbacher, and Russell Bowen.
. See Russell S. Bowen, Immaculate Deception (Carson City, NV: America West Publishers, 1991). The pilot has visited and worked in Colombia and much of the rest of South America for over three decades, establishing several national airlines in the process in conjunction with the State Department. Shackley has also been placed in meetings concerning the sale of TOW missiles to Iran with Iran-contra arms dealer Manucher Ghorbanifar in Hamburg, Germany in 1984. (Harry V. Martin, Lars C. Hansson, “Noriega,” Napa Sentinel series, 1995.)
[*] When Bowen became disenchanted with the operations, he contacted U.S. Customs in Miami. Nothing happened. Then during a 1982 flight in which Shackley and CIA operative Henry Meierhoffer ferried 800 pounds of cocaine from Medellin to Miami, Bowen blew the whistle by landing the plane at a different airport—an airport heavily monitored by the authorities. The plan backfired and Bowen was arrested and denied his rights to defend himself at trial.
. Stich, Op. Cit., p. 34.
. Harry V. Martin, Lars C. Hansson, “Noriega,” Napa Sentinel series, 1995.
. His letters arrived in envelopes with stamps and postmark clearly indicating they had been mailed from Medellin, Colombia. In was also conveyed to Snepp that the pilot claimed the company was tied directly to Interarms, the world's largest supplier of small-arm/automatic weapons, run by longtime CIA asset Samuel Cummings, brother-in-law of the late Senator John Tower of Texas.(Ibid.)
. Martin and Hansson, Op Cit.
. Stich, Op. Cit., pp. 23-28. Stich’s sources are all former CIA operatives: Trenton Parker, Gunther Russbacher, and Russell Bowen.
. Tarpley and Chaitkin, Op. Cit.
[*] “They also had government contracts with large U.S. steel companies, such as the steel foundry in Granite City, Illinois, located across from St. Louis, Mo,” says Maholy. “They were licensed by the U.S. government, to melt down and destroy confiscated weapons that various government, state and local law agencies acquired, during their raids on people in the drug and or other illegal businesses.” Maholy says the better weapons were not melted down, but traded for drugs. “A common tactic for the transfer of these weapons,” says Maholy, “would be to take the highly desired automatic weapons down to some South or Central American country, where there is little or no money, but large amounts of drugs. They would tell the militia groups that they can possess state-of-the-art weapons and ammunition, for whatever drugs they can produce. Since they have little, if any, money, the militia would cultivate large quantities of the drugs. They are easily swayed and convinced into doing business with agents of the CIA who are trained specially for this huge money making scam that benefits those few wealthy defrauders on Capitol Hill.”
. Michael Maholy, e-mail to author.
[*] Maholy was ultimately set up to take the fall. “People like Russell Bowen, and Basil Abbott, and the infamous and now deceased Barry Seal, whose brother is a co-defendant of mine, were taken out of the game also, along with me.”
. Ibid., pp. 41.44.
. Ibid., p. 60.
. Ibid., p. 100. Other accounts were set up for William Casey and Richard Armitage.
[*] The code names for the smuggling operations were: Short Flight, Burma Road, Morning Gold and Triangle. General Khun Sa, the source of approximately 40 percent of the heroin to the U.S., offered to replace his poppy production with other crops in exchange for financial aid. The State Department refused. Shackley’s chief aide was Thomas Clines.
. Kimery, Op. Cit.
. “Special Select Commission Appointed to Investigate Drug Traffic Crimes,” 7/20/89, quoted in Stich, Op. Cit., p. 7.
. Texas Observer, 6/17/94.
. Stich, Op. Cit., p. 3.
[*] Some of the code names for the Central and South American operations were Snow Cone, Black Eagle, Toilet Seat and Watchtower.
. “Joint Investigation by the Arkansas State Attorney General’s Office and the United States Congress,” 6/21/91, printed in the Portland Free Press, January/February, 1997.
. Bowen, Op. Cit., p. 97.
. Ibid., p. 102.
[*] Seal was killed on February 19, 1986. The FBI seized his personal belongings, successfully hiding evidence of his involvement with CIA/NSC drug running, including a card with George Bush’s phone number.
. The allegations were reported by Mike Ruppert and Terry Reed.
. Stich, Op. Cit., p. 93.
. Ibid., p. 88.
. “Kingpin Indictment of George Bush,” excerpted from a draft indictment of George Bush prepared by former DEA agent Celerino Castillo and the editors of Executive Intelligence Review. All the evidence contained in this draft indictment has been thoroughly documented. Most of it has been taken either from the Kerry Report of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, or the Final Report on Iran-Contra.
. Thomas Burdick and Charlene Mitchell, Blue Thunder (New York, NY: 1990), p. 34, quoted in Tarpley and Chaitkin.
[*] According to CIA operative Richard Brenneke, Bush’s National Security Advisor, Donald Gregg, became Bush’s aide specifically to coordinate Israel’s Contra account. Brenneke claims he phoned Gregg’s office often in early 1983 for instructions to be given to his Israeli suppliers. It was known as Operation Tipped Kettle. As Gregg would later state regarding himself and George Bush: “We never discussed the contras. We had no responsibility for it. We had no expertise in it.” Bush mimed his oft-repeated mantra that he was “out of the loop.”
. Stich, Op. Cit., p. 229.
. Michael Ruppert, From the Wilderness, 7/28/99; “Bush Sting Witness Speaks Out Evidence that Could Burn Bush Campaign,” Nitro News, no date provided.
[*] As Governor of Texas, Bush aggressively incarcerated ordinary citizens for relatively minor amounts of drug possession—invoking some of the country’s harshest sentences—at the same time he was reportedly involved with major drug smugglers! J.H. Hatfield, author of Fortunate Son, published by St Martins Press, quotes unnamed sources as saying that George W. Bush, Jr. was arrested for cocaine possession in 1972. The book said a Republican state judge had the record expunged in exchange for community service as a favor to Bush’s father, who had helped him get elected. Bush sanctimoniously said that he views himself as a “lowly sinner” but his religious faith brings him solace and reconciliation. “It’s where I find my strength and my solace and my comfort as a person.” (“Bush Finds Solace in Religious Faith,” Reuters, 1/28/00.)
. Joe Conason and John Kelly, “Bush as Drug Czar, Village Voice, 10/11/88, quoted in Kimery, Op. Cit.
. D.G. “Chip” Tatum and Nancy J. Tatum, “PEGASUS An American Spy Story Book Two,” 1996.
. Bowen, Op. Cit., p. 194.
[*] Some contend Silverado, at the hands of Neil Bush, was a money laundry for illicit funds including reportedly narcotics trafficking.
. Jack Colhoun, “Contra Backer Dipped Into S&L’s Deep Pockets,” Guardian (New York), 10/31/90, quoted in Kimery, Op. Cit.
. Skolnick, Op. Cit.
. Bowen, Op. Cit., pp. 108-109; “Bush, Drugs, and Pakistan,” The Nation, 11/14/88, quoted in Tarpley and Chaitkin, Op. Cit.
. Stich, Op. Cit., p. 90.
[*] As CIA Director Stansfield Turner said: “I will affirm Bush had him (Noriega) on the CIA payroll.” (Bo Gritz, Called to Serve, p. 404)
. John Stockwell, interview on the Pacifica Radio Network, quoted in John DiNardo, “Part 10, Lure To War: Bush Sucks Saddam Into Kuwait,” The Peoples’ Spell Breaker, 6/28/97. According to USA Today of 5/22/90, Noriega “will suspend potentially embarrassing subpoenas for CIA and other records the defense says show at least $11 million of the assets came from the U.S. government.”
[*] Noriega had at least once been a house guest of Vernon Walters, DCI Bush’s Deputy Director.
. Frederick Kempe, Divorcing the Dictator: America’s Bungled Affair with Noriega (1990), p. 162.
. “Mejia made that assessment three days before the fourth anniversary of the U.S. invasion of Panama. Mejia spoke at a Dec. 17 meeting at the International Action Center in New York.” -Workers World Service, 12/27/93. “[The announcement came] less than six hours before H. Hour, making it impossible for reporters to make it to Panama in time for the start of JUST CAUSE.” - The Commanders - Bob Woodward p.178.
[*] Carlton testified that he offered information to the DEA in Panama in July of 1987, who refused to take the information. Carlton had frequent contacts with the Medellin and Cali cartels, as well as taped phone conversations, documents and information about money laundering, drugs, weapons and assassinations. Instead of accepting the evidence, the “Justice” Department, as they would do with hundreds of other whistleblowers over the years, had Carlton arrested to silence him.
. Michael Williams, e-mails to author.
[*] As Congressman Larry McDonald’s stated before his plane was shot down: “The drive of the Rockefellers and their allies (Bush, et. al.) is to create a one-world government combining supercapitalism and Communism under the same tent, all under their control.... Do I mean conspiracy? Yes I do. I am convinced there is such a plot, international in scope, generations old in planning, and incredibly evil in intent.”
. Ibid., p. 90
. Tatum, Op. Cit.
[*] This testimony was given by the daughter of the Kuwaiti ambassador, and was later proven to be a lie. In fact, no babies were pulled out of incubators. This is, however, similar to what George Creels’ American Alliance for Labor and Democracy did to stir up public emotions just prior to America’s involvement in WWI. As Professor Noam Chomsky writes: “...there was a good deal of fabrication of atrocities by the Huns, Belgian babies with their arms torn off, all sorts of awful things that you still read in history books. They were all invented by the British propaganda ministry, whose own commitment at the time, as they put it in their secret deliberations, was ‘to control the thought of the world.’” (Alternative Press Review, Fall 1993.)
. Agee, Op Cit.
. Jeffrey T. Richelson, The U.S. Intelligence Community, p.356.
. Time, in fact, went so far as to say that Iraq’s claims to Kuwait were “without any historical basis.” - Agee
. Agee, Op Cit. (author’s note: George Bush is actually the 13th cousin (twice removed) of Queen Elizabeth.)
. For references to Noriega’s role in drug trafficking and laundering proceeds for the CIA through Panamanian banks, see the affidavit of Colonel Edward P. Cutolo, commander of the 10th Special Forces Group (Airborne), 1st Special Forces, 3/11/80.
. Robert Parry, “Clouds Over George Bush,” The Consortium, 12/29/98.
. Amnesty International figures.
. Australia East Timor Association, “Tortures by Suharto’s Ratbags,” posted on website.
. Noam Chomsky, “End The Atrocity In East Timor,” 3/22/95, posted on Internet. Australia also trains Indonesia's elite Kopassus troops, the very troops occupying East Timor.
[*] General Suharto would make another concession on behalf of George Bush in 1996 when he allowed Bush’s favorite mining company, Barrick Goldstrike of Canada, owned by Peter Munk, to take over mining rights from geologist Mike de Guzman. De Guzman had announced the discovery of what was believed to be the world’s richest gold field. He was later told he would have to turn over 68 per cent of his claim to Barrick. Fortunately, De Guzman’s problems were solved when he fell out of a helicopter courtesy of Freeport-McMoRan Mining Company (owned by Louisianan Jim-Bob Moffett), who had his own stake in the deal. As for Munk, he was capitalized by Saudi arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi—a key supplier in Bush’s Iran-Contra pipeline. In 1996 Bush had a quiet chat with Mobutu Seko, then dictator of Zaire. Mobutu subsequently granted Barrick exclusive diamond mining rights. In a manner that would make General Suharto proud, Barrick’s operation in neighboring Tanzania was accused by Amnesty International of carrying out “extra-judicial killings.” Amnesty reports that 50 independent miners who refused to move off Barrick’s concessions were buried alive in the pits by company bulldozers. In 1992, in the final hours of the Bush Presidency, Barrick took control of U.S. government-owned property containing an estimated $10 billion in gold. For the works, Barrick paid the U.S. Treasury only $10,000. Barrick would subsequently reward Bush by donating $148,000 to the Republican Party while Bush was campaigning for President. (Gregory Palast, “Best democracy money can buy,” The Guardian [UK], 11/26/00.)
[**] The U.S. Oil companies which participated include Phillips Petroleum, Chevron, Oryx Energy, and USX/Marathon. In the next few years the American military doubled their supplies to Indonesian armed forces. “In December 1989 after he was exposed as having secretly violated his own announced sanctions against China over the Tiananmen massacre, Bush emphasized that ‘I think we were positioned in the forefront of human rights.’” - Michael Duffy and Dan Goodgame, Marching in Place, p.182.
[*] In March of 1991, Glaspie testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, insisting the Iraqis had lied about her conversation with Hussein. In July, however, the Committee obtained copies of the secret cables she had sent from Iraq summarizing the meeting. They showed that the Iraqis had not lied. In September of 1991, a subcommittee of the House Foreign Affairs Committee revealed that State Department official Margaret Tutwiler and Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern and Far Eastern Affairs John H. Kelly had both repeated the identical “no commitment to defend Kuwait” stance when questioned by House members.
. Agee, Op Cit.; Elaine Sciolino, “Envoy’s Testimony on Iraq is Assailed, Senators Say Glaspie Misled Them on Hussein Talks,” New York Times, 7/13/91; Elaine Sciolino with Michael R. Gordon, “U.S. Gave Iraq Little Reason Not to Mount Kuwait Assault,” New York Times, 9/ 23/91, quoted in John McManus, The Insiders (Appleton, WI: Western Islands, 1992).
. Chomsky, Op Cit.
. Noam Chomsky and David Barsamian, Chronicles of Dissent, p. 305; Both the Bush and Clinton administrations Justice Departments agreed not to prosecute these big name American corporations for trading with the enemy. Such trading with the enemy is tantamount to treason.
. Jack Colhoun, “Bush Administration Uses CIA To Stonewall Iraqgate Investigation,” Covert Action Quarterly, date unknown. “The administration’s pro-Baghdad policy, spelled out in National Security Directive-26, adopted on October 2, 1989, was based on promoting U.S. trade with Iraq. The Commerce Department routinely approved applications from U.S. companies for the export to Iraq of “dual-use” technology, which has civilian and military applications.”
[*] BCCI financed both Republicans and Democrats. The bank was formed with money from the Bank of America, the largest shareholders of which are the Rothschilds of Chicago, Paris, London and Switzerland. On Columbus Day weekend of 1988, BCCI’s U.S. offices were seized by the Reagan/Bush administration. One of the reasons was to stop BCCI’s funding of the Dukakis campaign.
[*] Following the war, Bush wrote to the Oil Minister of Kuwait on behalf of Chevron Oil Corporation. Bush says he “had no stake in the Chevron operation.” “Following this selfless use of his influence, the oil company put $657,000 into Republican Party coffers.... Not all of the elder Bush’s work is voluntary. His single talk to the board of Global Crossing, the telecoms start-up, earned him $13m in stock. The company also kicked in another million for [Dubya’s Presidential] run. (Palast, Op. Cit. )
. Donald S. McAlvany, “Germ Warfare Against America. Part I. Overseas Infections,” McAlvany Intelligence Advisor, August 1996, quoted in S.A.F.A.N. Internet Newsletter, No. 88, October 4, 1996. “In a New York Times article (5/22/91) entitled, ‘Health Crisis Said to Grip Iraq In Wake of War’s Destruction,’ It was reported that child mortality soared in the first four months of 1991, up 55,000 over the same period in 1990.”
. As Captain Joyce Riley, a nurse and GWI activist testified: “They were given medications—they didn't know what they were.... Everybody was incredibly sick afterwards.... We don’t know what pills the troops took. We don’t know what we were subjected to. ”
[*] Like the thousands of U.S. soldiers who were intentionally exposed to nuclear radiation during the 1950s—many of whom died of cancer, or the thousands exposed to Agent Orange during Vietnam, these veterans were just another casualty in the Federal Government’s long list of crimes against its own people—the same crimes it prosecuted Nazi doctors for at Nuremberg. The code that resulted from those trials was a 10-point declaration stating that voluntary and informed consent is essential from all human subjects who participate in research, whether during war or peace.
[*] The Iraqi dictator received 25 percent of the proceeds of oil shipped to the West. When oil was 20 dollars per barrel, Hussein split the 5 dollar per barrel kick-back with Bush. A trillion dollars of oil was shipped from the Gulf during the decade 1980 to 1990. The corrupt rake-off amounted to 25 billion dollars per year, making Saddam Hussein and Bush the richest men on the planet. (Sherman H. Skolnick, “What is Whitewater Really All About?” Skolnick Report, no date provided.)
[*] According to the Chicago Tribune, “In the 1950s [the Liedtke brothers] teamed up with then-oilman George Bush and John Overby to form Zapata Oil Co. Then they went on to form Penzoil.” BCCI also has records showing joint business ventures between Bush and Manuel Noriega.
[*] Kerry would go on to play a role in covering up CIA/NSC’s drug running, including the frame-up of William Tyree, a Special Forces soldier who participated in drug-running operations under orders from his superiors (See Chapter XX). Other people, such as Clark Gifford, would be framed to take the fall for Bush.
. Bowen, Op. Cit., pp. 152-154.
. Jack Colhoun, “Bush Administration Uses CIA To Stonewall Iraqgate Investigation,” Covert Action Quarterly, date unknown. “The administration’s pro-Baghdad policy, spelled out in National Security Directive-26, adopted on October 2, 1989, was based on promoting U.S. trade with Iraq. The Commerce Department routinely approved applications from U.S. companies for the export to Iraq of “dual-use” technology, which has civilian and military applications.”
. Rick Wiles, “Bush Family’s Dirty Little Secret,” American Freedom News, September, 2001.
. Thomas Petzinger, Jr., Peter Truell, and Jill Abramson, “How Oil Firm Linked to a Son of Bush Won Bahrain Drilling Pact,” Wall Street Journal, 12/6/91; Johathan Beaty and S. G. Gwynne, “A Mysterious Mover of Money and Planes, Time, 10/8/91, quoted in Kimery, Op. Cit. According to the company’s 1989 proxy statement, Bush held 345,426 shares of Harken’s common stock, or less than 1.1 percent of the total. Bush, Jr.’s involvement with Harken was first revealed by Houston Post investigative reporter Pete Brewton.
[*] The future President completed his key insider trade eight days before Harken announced a $23 million second quarter loss and about six weeks before the invasion. The chairman of the SEC at the time of the “investigation” was Richard Breedon, former lawyer with the Houston firm of Baker and Botts, who served as Deputy Counsel to Bush Sr. in the Reagan (read Bush) administration. The SEC investigation of George Jr. was led by General Counsel James R. Doty who, according to a UPI report, mysteriously neglected to interview any of the Harken directors, including Jr. himself. Doty had previously served as Jr.’s personal lawyer during his purchase of the Texas Rangers. (Tom Flocco and Michael C. Ruppert, “All Roads Lead to Deustchebank And Harken Energy, W’s Own 1991 Insider Trading Scam – The Mother of All Enrons, From the Wilderness, 2002.)
. Uri Dowbenko, “The Man Who Knows Too Much: An Interview with Al Martin, author of “The Conspirators: Secrets of an Iran Contra Insider” (PART 1).
. Kimery, Op. Cit.
. Jack Colhoun, “Prescott Bush and the Gangsters,” Lies of Our Times, April, 1992; and Robert J. McCartney, “Japanese Company Sues Bush Brother,” Washington Post, 6/16/92, quoted in Ibid.
. Kimery, Op. Cit.
. “Censored 1999: The News That Didn’t Make The News,” Seven Stories Press, 1999, reported in, Carla Binion, “Anti-Semitism, racism and a Bush Family organization,” On-Line Journal, no date provided.
. John Spicer Nichols, “La Prensa: The CIA Connection,” Columbia Journalism Review, July-August, 1988, quoted in Ibid.
. AmeriCares website.
. Quoted in the New American, 9/16/96.
. Husayn Al-Kurdi, “What Really Happened in the ‘Safe Haven?’” Portland Free Press, November/December, 1996.
. Bush’s April 16 Press Conference.
. Chomsky, Op Cit.
[*] Cathy O’Brien—claiming to have personally witnessed this, paranormal researcher and author David Icke and others—say that Bush and some other top leaders are actually reptilian aliens masquerading as human-beings.